2025
Free to Think
Report of the Scholars at Risk Academic Freedom Monitoring Project
About Free to Think 2025
Free to Think is an annual report by Scholars at Risk’s Academic Freedom Monitoring Project. The report explores concerning trends in attacks on higher education communities around the world with the aims of raising awareness and urging diverse state and non-state stakeholders to join us in protecting and promoting academic freedom.
A PDF version of the report can be downloaded here.
Executive Summary
In recent years, state leaders have mounted escalating and increasingly aggressive attacks on scholars, students, and universities. These assaults on higher education are not isolated to places where the rule of law is weak and dissent openly punished, and they are not just taking place through extreme means of repression such as targeted killings, disappearances, arrests, and prosecutions. These are occurring, yes. However, attacks on higher education have always gone beyond these contexts and measures. Even in societies that have long had strong and stable democratic institutions, elected officials with autocratic impulses are using both the levers of democracy and extralegal administrative measures to undermine democratic institutions, including universities.
Through the Academic Freedom Monitoring Project (AFMP), Scholars at Risk (SAR) identifies frequent and pervasive attacks on academic freedom, institutional autonomy, and higher education in contexts characterized by authoritarian structures and significant repression against dissent or by armed conflict, insecurity, political violence, and civil unrest. These attacks continue. Since 2018, however, a growing number of the incidents included in the AFMP have taken place in countries with ostensibly strong democratic institutions.[1] This has continued during the current reporting period, with the election of antidemocratic leaders who appear increasingly willing to interfere in the higher education sector and exert pressure on university leaders. Of particular concern in this regard are the actions taken by the US government following the inauguration of President Donald Trump for his second term in office. Beginning in January 2025, US higher education began to experience unprecedented pressures, including a combination of executive orders and policy actions—many of which were extra-legal in nature—and legislative or budgetary measures.
Universities are engines of social and economic development. They are places for critical research, innovation, dialogue, and debate. They are also bulwarks of democracy, generating data and ideas essential to informed public discourse while training students to be critical, engaged members of civil society. But they can only perform these vital functions to the extent they enjoy autonomy from the state or other outside interference, and to the extent that scholars and students enjoy the right to academic freedom. SAR’s data makes clear that universities are among the first targets of attack in places experiencing democratic decline, where autocratic leaders censor discourse and sanction dissent. Attacks on higher education thus not only imperil the lives and well-being of scholars and students, upend their careers, and jeopardize their futures; they also chip away at the foundations of a free society and social progress by degrading the quality of teaching, research, and discourse on campus and beyond.
Through the AFMP, SAR responds to these attacks by identifying and tracking key incidents, with the aim of protecting vulnerable individuals, raising awareness, encouraging accountability, and promoting the dialogue and understanding necessary to prevent future threats. Since 2015, SAR has published Free to Think, a series of annual reports analyzing attacks on higher education communities around the world. This year’s report highlights concerning developments and trends in 16 countries, including Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Bangladesh, Belarus, Colombia, Georgia, Germany, India, Iran, Nigeria, Pakistan, Serbia, Russia, Ukraine, the United States, and Zimbabwe. It also includes brief updates on the situations reported in prior Free to Think reports, including China and Hong Kong, Myanmar, Nicaragua , the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Sudan, and Türkiye.
Attacks on higher education from July 1, 2024–June 30, 2025
Free to Think 2025 documents 395 attacks on scholars, students, and institutions in 49 countries and territories, from July 1, 2024–June 30, 2025. Over this reporting period, students and faculty members fought back against autocracy, corruption, and poor educational conditions by participating in peaceful protests. In some cases, these prompted significant political change, but only after police had responded with violent force. The reporting period also saw the escalation of new illiberal policies, laws, and extralegal actions targeting higher education in democratic contexts, leading to crackdowns on dissent and disfavored speech both in the classroom and outside of it.
Police and military forces responded with violence to university students who led—sometimes with extensive support from faculty members—protest movements against their governments, or in demand of improved educational conditions. Most prominent among these was Bangladesh: university students there mobilized against a quota system for government jobs, sparking nationwide student-led protests that were met with what the United Nations Office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights called “brutal, systematic repression,” leading to the injury of thousands and the deaths of up to 1,400 people, including many students.[2]
Several countries saw government backlash against university students and scholars exercising their rights to the freedom of expression and association. These included Georgia, Pakistan, Serbia, and Zimbabwe. In Pakistan, members of Pakistan’s security forces targeted Baloch student activists, including by abducting them on multiple occasions.[3] In Serbia, university students launched a protest movement against government corruption sparked by the collapse of a roof of a railway station in the city of Novi Sad that killed fifteen people.[4] University faculty and administrations were largely supportive of the students, including by backing a student strike. Serbia’s government responded by publicly discrediting the students, prompting violence against them. The government retaliated against faculty by threatening to defund state universities and withholding the salaries of professors who supported the protests.[5]
Universities often responded to student protests by introducing more restrictive policies on where, when, and how students were permitted to protest. In India, a number of universities put in place new policies that limited student expression by banning students from holding discussions, demonstrations, or sloganeering without prior authorization.[6] In the United States, following the wave of pro-Palestinian protests that occurred during the spring of 2024, many colleges and universities spent the summer developing new time, place, and manner policies that banned student encampments, required advanced registration of protest actions, and implemented harsher disciplinary sanctions.[7]
The US government’s pressures on universities threatened to severely damage higher education both at home and abroad. The AFMP has recorded increasing incidents of attacks on higher education in the US since 2023. Prior to 2023, the AFMP recorded 15-20 incidents on higher education in the US annually. In 2024, that number rose to over 80 incidents. That rate continued in 2025; the AFMP recorded more than 40 incidents of attacks on US higher education during just the first half of the year. Moreover, the nature of these attacks shifted after January 2025. As Free to Think 2024 documented, state governments and local actors had for years exerted pressure on higher education, including by using legislation to suppress disfavored speech. However, from January 2025 the federal government initiated an unprecedented range of actions aimed at controlling university admissions, hiring, research, teaching, departmental structures, policies on speech, disciplinary policies, internal sanctions, and finances. These actions included extralegal executive orders targeting individual universities by revoking their funding; a series of attempts to arrest, detain, and attempt to deport without due legal process US-based, noncitizen scholars and students; and executive, legislative, and other actions aimed at eliminating research, programming, and academic supports related to diversity, equity, and inclusion; gender; environment; and many other areas. Such actions were part of a broader campaign by the US government, paralleling similar actions in authoritarian countries, to weaken democratic pillars of civil society. In the US, in addition to attacks on higher education, this included government disparagement and attacks on members of the judiciary, the media, foundations, and nonprofit organizations, as well as the weaponization of public sentiment and the federal bureaucracy to threaten investigations and sanctions, including loss of leadership positions, legal status, and funding.[8]
The US government’s actions had significant implications for higher education globally. They threatened to reorder international research and educational exchange, with reports that international students and scholars were increasingly less likely to choose the US for study, work, or academic events.[9] Universities in Europe, Asia, and beyond, responded by launching initiatives to attract US-based scholars and students.[10] Moreover, the US government’s cuts to research funding affected research projects and educational opportunities abroad, in countries as diverse as Afghanistan, Australia, Egypt, Malawi, Portugal, South Africa, and the United Kingdom.[11]
Taken together, they represent an unprecedented, voluntary dismantling of the US as a global education, research, and innovation superpower. If the government’s actions are not reversed or otherwise mitigated quickly, compounding generations of talent, innovation, and breakthroughs may be lost to the American people, to the benefit of other countries, if not lost altogether.
A Global Crisis for Academic Freedom
As highlighted in previous editions of Free to Think, the attacks on higher education described in this report are indicative of deteriorating global conditions for academic freedom. Declining levels of academic freedom are also evident in the most recent annual data from the Academic Freedom Index (AFi), which indicates that the space for academic freedom continues to contract in countries globally.[12] In its 2025 update, the AFi found that since 2024, academic freedom had declined significantly in 36 out of the 179 countries analyzed, including in 14 countries or territories included in this report: Afghanistan, Belarus, Gaza, Georgia, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Myanmar, Nicaragua, Russia, Türkiye, Ukraine, the United States, and the West Bank. Academic freedom expanded in just eight countries from 2014-24.[13] Additionally, the AFi rated 10 of the 24 countries or territories featured in this report as completely restricted with respect to academic freedom: Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Belarus, China, Gaza, India, Iran, Myanmar, Nicaragua, and Türkiye. Another eight countries were rated as severely restricted: Bangladesh, Hong Kong, Pakistan, Sudan, West Bank, Russia, Ukraine, and Zimbabwe.
As noted in recent editions of Free to Think, the general trend over the past decade is toward declining levels of academic freedom across all contexts spanning the continuum from authoritarian to democratic. In some contexts, these declines have occurred slowly. This is the case, for instance, in the United States, which saw gradual declines in academic freedom from 2014-24.[14] Globally, however, the space for academic freedom has shrunk at an accelerating pace over the past decade.[15] Figure 1, for instance, depicts a turning point around 2019-2020, when academic freedom slid precipitously in a number of the countries illustrated.

Figure 1: Many of the countries featured in this edition of Free to Think have seen statistically significant declines in academic freedom in recent years, according to the Academic Freedom Index (AFi), a tool codeveloped by the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), the Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU), the V-Dem Institute, and SAR.
Concerns about growing threats to academic freedom across the globe are underscored by lower numbers of reported incidents in some countries which previously saw very high numbers. Among the countries featured in this report, this includes Myanmar, Nicaragua, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and Türkiye. For instance, in Myanmar, from February 2021–August 2022, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP)—an NGO that has monitored the crackdown on anti-coup activists—verified arrests of more than 1,300 students and educators.[16] By 2024, however, that number had dramatically declined.[17] Rather than indicating improved conditions, however, a lower number of reported incidents between years may in fact result from more successful repression of academic freedom,[18] including through increased self-censorship, the closing or destruction of institutions or higher education systems, academic flight of scholars or students seeking academic freedom elsewhere, and closed media environments making it more difficult—especially from outside the territory—to identify incidents (see the methodology section of this report for more on the challenges of data collection). Therefore, countries or territories showing a significantly lower number of reported incidents from prior years may warrant greater attention, not less, precisely because the decrease may be indicative of the highest levels of repression. This report includes updates on a number of these places, including China, Hong Kong, Myanmar, Nicaragua, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Sudan, and Türkiye.
A Global Response
Attacks on higher education are destructive and damaging to higher education communities at the national, institutional, and individual levels. They severely undermine academic freedom and university autonomy and often seem intended to instill fear into anyone on a university campus (or wider) whose views the government may not like. Even more, these attacks undermine the basic rights of wider society to freedom of opinion, to freedom of speech, and to benefit from scientific progress. They stifle academic productivity, depriving society of the full benefits that universities, colleges, and research institutions are uniquely positioned to offer: the advancement of knowledge and the development of solutions to problems that affect everyone. They chill free speech, encourage self-censorship, and deter scholars and students from researching, teaching, and expressing their ideas at all. On an individual level, they are deadly.
Reversing the global decline of academic freedom described above requires three key steps: expanding awareness, building solidarity, and implementing concrete protections for scholars, students, and higher education institutions. With respect to the first step—building awareness—greater effort must be put into understanding, protecting, and promoting academic freedom and its benefit to the public. Policy makers and the wider public must both understand academic freedom as being as crucial to free society as a free press or an independent judiciary. Concretely, this may include investing in training and research on academic freedom, as well as in measuring, monitoring, and reporting on alleged violations and on positive developments which might provide examples of good practices for other states or institutions to follow.
Second, resisting attacks on higher education requires mobilization and solidarity. The current crisis is an opportunity to build solidarity, dialogue, and practices that address these deeper issues. The shrinking space for academic freedom is intrinsically connected to global expansion of authoritarianism. Authoritarian leaders thrive under conditions of isolation, division, and fear, which help them to secure acquiescence. The best way to fight back is by working together to build coalitions, share information, and create joint strategies. Higher education leaders have much they can learn from each other in terms of creating contingency plans to withstand attacks on their institutional autonomy and on the academic freedom of their constituents. The fight will not be easy. It will require long-term commitment, resilience, and endurance on the part of all involved in higher education.
Finally, insulating the higher education sector from attacks requires securing formal legal protections for academic freedom and university autonomy, and the implementation of those protections. The current global crisis of academic freedom is too important to rely merely on vague statements of values and historical practices of restraint. The Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, released in March 2024 by an international Working Group on Academic Freedom, co-led by SAR, provides one roadmap for taking practical action to protect higher education. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education has already called on all states to endorse and implement the Principles.[19] States, higher education leaders, and civil society should draw on the Principles—particularly its annexes which include metrics to assess the implementation of the right to higher education and practical guidance for ensuring that right—to create stronger protections for the higher education sector.
With this report, SAR calls on states, higher education communities, and civil society around the world to recognize the urgent need to protect higher education and to safeguard academic freedom. Academic freedom is an essential right. It is essential not only to excellence in research, learning, and innovation, but also to democracy, pluralism, health, economic prosperity, and social and cultural understanding and cohesion. At the current moment, higher education in many places is under severe threat. But the current moment is also an opportunity to work together; to begin to imagine a restored, stronger higher education sector; and to publicly demonstrate that critical discourse is not disloyalty, that ideas are not crimes, and that everyone must be free to think, question, and share their ideas.
[1] See, for example, Freedom House, “The Uphill Battle to Safeguard Rights,” Freedom in the World 2025, https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2025/uphill-battle-to-safeguard-rights.
[2] UN Office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights. “Bangladesh: UN report finds brutal, systematic repression of protests, calls for justice for serious rights violations.” February 12, 2025. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/bangladesh-un-report-finds-brutal-systematic-repression-protests-calls.
[3] Scholars at Risk Network, October 10, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-10-punjab-university-university-of-lahore-and-superior-university/; and Scholars at Risk Network, October 16, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-16-multiple-institutions/.
[4] Dusan Stojanovic, “Daily anti-corruption protests are rattling Serbia’s leader. What might come next?,” AP News, January 29, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-protests-students-vucic-25de4c2730b3e72609da3c9aaf99f99f.
[5] Associated Press, “Serbians march in 4 cities against government pressure and hate speech,” AP News, March 31, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-protest-marches-university-students-e1ceec45481b358d0f9ba4a75aeb9915; Associated Press, “Thousands brave heavy rain to protest Serbia’s crackdown on universities,” May 23, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-students-protests-crackdown-universities-a3dda82a89c991122127337f68106271; Sanja Kljajic, “Serbia’s protesting students, teachers remain defiant,” DW, March 13, 2025, https://www.dw.com/en/serbias-protesting-students-teachers-remain-defiant/video-71914973; Vreme, “Vučić’s potato for professors: Canceled salaries at universities,” Vreme, March 21, 2025, https://vreme.com/en/vesti/vucicev-krompir-za-profesore-ukinute-plate-na-univerzitetima/; and Boban Karović, “Turbulence in higher education: Professors without salaries, inspections at faculties,” NIN, March 27, 2025, https://www.nin.rs/english/news/72425/professors-without-salaries-inspection-at-universities-turmoil-in-higher-education.
[6] Pallavi Smart, “TISS revises honour code: Bans participation in ‘anti-establishment’, ‘unpatriotic’ discussions,” Indian Express, September 4, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/revised-honour-code-for-tiss-students-bans-unpatriotic-anti-establishment-discussions-9548808/; Musab Qazi, “Mumbai University Issues Circular Prohibiting Campus Protests Without Permission, Student Organisations Cry Foul,” The Free Press Journal, September 24, 2024, https://www.freepressjournal.in/education/mumbai-university-issues-circular-prohibiting-campus-protests-without-permission-student-organisations-cry-foul; Team Clarion, “Jamia Millia Students Up in Arms Over Ban on Protests, Sloganeering,” Clarion India, December 2, 2024, https://clarionindia.net/jamia-millia-students-up-in-arms-over-ban-on-protests-sloganeering/; Tribune News Service, “Jamia Millia Islamia issues ban on protests sans prior approval,” The Tribune India, December 2, 2024, https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/delhi/jamia-millia-islamia-issues-ban-on-protests-sans-prior-approval/; and India Today News Desk, “Telangana university bans protest on campus, BJP calls it ‘undeclared emergency’,” India Today, March 16, 2025, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/telangana-university-bans-protest-on-campus-bjp-calls-it-undeclared-emergency-2694175-2025-03-16.
[7] Johanna Alonso, “Anticipating Fall Protests, Colleges Adopt a Range of Approaches,” Inside Higher Ed, August 16, 2024, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/free-speech/2024/08/16/how-universities-are-preparing-fall-protests; Katherine Mangan, “New Rules and Familiar Challenges as Antiwar Protesters Return to Campuses: ‘The Stakes Are Extraordinarily High’,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 5, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/new-rules-and-familiar-challenges-as-antiwar-protesters-return-to-campuses-the-stakes-are-extraordinarily-high; Declan Bradley and Garrett Shanley, “We Looked at Dozens of Colleges’ New Protest Policies. Here’s What We Found,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 12, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/we-looked-at-dozens-of-colleges-new-protest-policies-heres-what-we-found; AAUP, “AAUP Condemns Wave of Administrative Policies Intended to Crack Down on Peaceful Campus Protest,” August 14, 2024, https://www.aaup.org/news/aaup-condemns-wave-administrative-policies-intended-crack-down-peaceful-campus-protest; and Lisa Tolin, “In Preparing for Protests, Are Campuses Going Too Far?” Pen America, August 28, 2024, https://pen.org/in-preparing-for-protests-are-campuses-going-too-far/.
[8] Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way, “The Path to American Authoritarianism,” Foreign Affairs, February 11, 2025, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/path-american-authoritarianism-trump; and Erica Bryant, “Trump’s War on Nonprofits Will Make Us All Less Safe,” Vera Institute of Justice, June 10, 2025, https://www.vera.org/news/trumps-war-on-nonprofits-will-make-us-all-less-safe.
[9] Jack Grove, “US conference boycott urged after French scientist deported,” Times Higher Education, June 10, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/us-conference-boycott-urged-after-french-scientist-deported; Julie Hare and Ayesha de Kretser, “Trump crackdown forces academics to cancel US trips,” Financial Review, April 2, 2025, https://www.afr.com/policy/health-and-education/trump-crackdown-forces-academics-to-cancel-us-trips-20250319-p5lkpu; Yojana Sharma, “Malaysia to stop sending its scholarship students to the US,” University World News, June 4, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post-mobile.php?story=20250604131453670; and Karin Fischer, “Colleges Across U.S. Fear Chill on Enrollments of Foreign Students,” Chronicle of Higher Education, May 28, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/colleges-across-u-s-fear-chill-on-enrollments-of-foreign-students.
[10] Patricia Cohen, “The World Is Wooing U.S. Researchers Shunned by Trump,” New York Times, May 14, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/14/business/economy/trump-research-brain-drain.html; Helen Packer, “US curbs on Chinese students ‘free kick’ for Asian universities,” Times Higher Education, June 1, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/us-curbs-chinese-students-free-kick-asian-universities; Yojana Sharma, “Hong Kong eyes Harvard’s students amid broader visa threat,” May 29, 2025, University World News, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250529114916246; and Suvendrini Kakuchi, “Universities step up plans to accept US scholars, students,” University World News, June 10, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250610134526796.
[11] Karin Fischer, “Latitudes: Trump administration’s ideological vetting of Fulbright scholars raises alarm,” Chronicle of Higher Education, June 4, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/newsletter/latitudes/2025-06-04; Afeez Bolaji, “Trump’s ‘deadly, anti-people policy’ is taking its toll, University World News, February 9, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250210001048466; Desmond Thompson, “Trump leaves South African universities reeling,” University World News, February 6, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250205183156837; Yogita Limaye, “Afghan women who fled Taliban to study abroad face imminent return after USAID cuts, BBC, March 8, 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cg4k25wlw21o; Wagdy Sawahel, “Universities ‘save’ students’ amid Trump’s aid pause,” University World News, February 6, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250205163734812; Caitlin Cassidy, “Trump administration accused of ‘blatant foreign interference’ in Australian universities over questionnaire on DEI and gender,” The Guardian, March 14, 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2025/mar/14/australian-university-sector-accuses-trump-administration-of-blatant-interference-in-research; John Ross, “Australian scientists demand meeting over Trump grant cuts,” Times Higher Education, March 21, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/australian-scientists-demand-meeting-over-trump-grant-cuts; Jack Grove, “Trump’s DEI crackdown ‘could block US-UK research collaborations’,” Times Higher Education, February 14, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/trumps-dei-crackdown-could-block-us-uk-research-collaborations; Joana Mourão Carvalho, “Trump administration sent ideological questionnaire to Portuguese universities and cut support,” Euronews, April 11, 2025, https://www.msn.com/pt-pt/noticias/ultimas/administra%C3%A7%C3%A3o-trump-enviou-question%C3%A1rio-ideol%C3%B3gico-a-universidades-portuguesas-e-cortou-apoios/ar-AA1CJFFz; Ben Farmer, “US aid cuts threaten South Africa’s status as powerhouse of HIV and tuberculosis research,” The Telegraph, June 10. 2025, https://www.telegraph.co.uk/global-health/science-and-disease/us-aid-cuts-threaten-hiv-tuberculosis-tb-research-south-africa/; and Josef Al Shemary, “Top UK universities forced to cancel projects as Trump pulls funding in ‘assault on science’,” Leading Britain’s Conversation, June 26, 2025, https://www.lbc.co.uk/news/uk/uk-universities-cancel-projects-trump/.
[12] Katrin Kinzelbach, Staffan I. Lindberg, Lars Lott, and Angelo Vito Panaro. Academic Freedom Index 2025 Update. FAU Erlangen-Nürnberg and V-Dem Institute. doi:10.25593/open-fau-1637
[13] Ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Emily Washburn. “Academic Freedom Declined Globally Between 2012 And 2022—And Yes, In The U.S., Too—Experts Say.” Forbes, March 3, 2023, https://www.forbes.com/sites/emilywashburn/2023/03/03/academic-freedom-declined-globally-between-2012-and-2022-and-yes-in-the-us-too-experts-say/.
[16] See AAPP’s data at airtable.com/shr9w3z7dyIoqdUv4/tbl8hVtSci8VifbO9. Note: the figure cited is a result of filtering the data by age (over 18 years old, but including “unknown”) and category (“All Burma Federation of Student Unions,” “Assistant Lecturer,” “Lecturer,” “Professor,” “Rector,” “Student,” and “Teacher”).
[17] Scholars at Risk. Free to Think 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/free-to-think-2024/.
[18] Hoffman, F. and Kinzelbach, K. “Forbidden Knowledge: Academic Freedom and Political Repression in the University Can Be Measured. This is How.” GPPi, April 2018, Retrieved from https://www.gppi.net/media/Kinzelbach_Hoffmann_2018_Forbidden_Knowledge.pdf.
[19] Human Rights Council, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, Farida Shaheed*,” A/HRC/56/58, June 27, 2024, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc5658-right-academic-freedom-report-special-rapporteur-right.
Debris lies in the Sumy State University building damaged by Russian shelling on August 18, 2025 in Sumy, Ukraine. Photo: Yehor Kryvoruchko/Kordon.Media/Global Images Ukraine via Getty Images.
Methodology
This report is based on SAR’s Academic Freedom Monitoring Project, which investigates and reports attacks on higher education with the aim of raising awareness, generating advocacy, and increasing protection for scholars, students, and academic communities.
The figures cited in this report represent only a fraction of the total number of attacks that occur annually. A comprehensive accounting of all attacks occurring annually is not possible given the scope, variety, and complexity of attacks occurring; fear among some survivors about the consequences of reporting attacks; lack of access to information, including restrictions on media environments in the contexts where attacks occur; the challenges of verifying reports that are received; and the limited resources available. That said, a comprehensive accounting of all attacks is not necessary. Rather, Free to Think 2025 analyzes reported incidents that illustrate recurring themes, regional trends, and common factors warranting deeper attention from stakeholders—especially states, intergovernmental organizations, higher education leaders, the media, and civil society.
What Is an Attack on Higher Education?
For the purpose of SAR’s Monitoring Project and this report, “attacks” on higher education include threats or deliberate use of violent or coercive force or restrictions against higher education institutions and their affiliates, including leadership, administrators, academic and other staff, and students. These attacks include intentional acts resulting in wrongful death, physical harm, loss of liberty, limitations on academic travel, loss of professional or academic standing, or the destruction, damage, closure, or seizure of higher education institutions, facilities, or equipment. This definition also includes deliberate acts of coercion, intimidation, or threats of harm that undermine institutional autonomy, academic freedom, and educational functions. It does not generally include other infringements of these values and functions that lack these violent, coercive, or restrictive dimensions.
The Monitoring Project reports incidents involving six types of conduct:
Killings/Violence/Disappearances
Relevant incidents include killings and disappearances either in retaliation for particular academic content or conduct, or the targeting of members of higher education communities, including higher education leaders, faculty, staff, and students. Disappearance includes arrest, detention, abduction, or other deprivation of liberty by government or quasi-government officials, or by groups or individuals acting on behalf of, or with support, consent, or acquiescence of the government, followed by a refusal to disclose the fate or whereabouts of the persons concerned or a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of their liberty, which places such persons outside the protection of the law. Violence includes violent physical assaults causing serious harm to individual members of higher education communities, including beatings, shootings, or other injuries with weapons, and torture, as well as threats of violence.
Wrongful Imprisonment
Relevant incidents include the arrest, interrogation, detention, and/or prosecution of scholars, students, or other members of higher education communities on false or otherwise wrongful grounds; charges directly relating to, or in retaliation for, the expression of academic opinions or other professional or student activity; and retaliation against the exercising of other fundamental human rights, including freedom of expression and freedom of association. The latter may include incidents of scholars, students, or other members of higher education communities engaging in protected free expression—e.g., writing a letter to a newspaper or participating in a protest rally—even if such action is unrelated to the individual’s higher education sector status. (These incidents may not qualify as violations of academic freedom directly but may still constitute violations of the human rights of members of higher education communities, which in turn may indirectly impair academic freedom.)
Wrongful Prosecution
Relevant incidents include administrative, civil, or criminal proceedings against higher education leaders, academic and nonacademic staff, or higher education students involving false or otherwise wrongful grounds or charges directly relating to, or in retaliation for, the expression of academic opinions or other professional or student activity, or in retaliation for other exercise of fundamental human rights including freedom of expression and freedom of association. (Note that charges may be grounded in local law but nevertheless violate recognized international human rights standards because they punish protected activity.) Relevant incidents may also include, among others, proceedings for so-called “reputational harms” (e.g., ‘insulting the State’ or ‘offending national leaders’) which may subject individuals to substantial monetary penalties or imprisonment, restrictions on travel during pendency of any action or after conviction, bankruptcy, loss of political rights (including right to hold or run for elective office) and loss of position at state enterprises, including universities. Also included are documented incidents where state or other entities use the threat of defamation or similar legal action to intimidate and silence academic personnel or students, even if such an action is never formally commenced (e.g., a state minister makes a public speech threatening prosecution of a scholar or expulsion of students for publishing an article). Such proceedings may be brought on behalf of individuals and institutions including governments and other state entities (such as the military), officials, private citizens, state religions, and nations themselves. When reporting on incidents of this type, researchers are encouraged to identify and, if possible, attach copies of the legal provisions providing the basis for any charges or threatened charges and evidence, such as any photographs of incidents or copies of any allegedly offending statements or publications.
Travel Restrictions
Relevant incidents include improper travel restrictions on higher education leaders, academic and nonacademic staff, and higher education students in connection with academic content or conduct. These include—but are not limited to—legal, administrative, or physical restrictions on travel within a state; restrictions on travel between states; arbitrary restrictions on a scholar or student’s ability to obtain a visa or other entry or exit documents; denial of future permissions for travel; and retaliation for attempting to travel or after return from travel. Travel restrictions may be imposed by government authorities of the scholar or student’s home state, government authorities of the state to be visited, and/or higher education institutions, leadership, or professional associations.
Loss of Position
Relevant incidents involving higher education leaders or academic staff include discharge, demotion, loss of promotion, or other professional penalty for a scholar’s academic work and exercise of other fundamental human rights, including statements made in the classroom, writings, research, professional association/union activity, engagement with (and criticism of) higher education leadership or education policy, etc. Relevant incidents involving students include dismissal or expulsion from studies based on academic work or student activities, including statements made in the classroom, writings, research, student association/union activity, engagement with (and criticism of) higher education leadership or education policy, etc. The offending penalties may be imposed by state authorities, higher education institutions, or other higher education-related authorities.
Other Incidents
Relevant incidents which do not fit squarely within one or more of the five defined types of conduct may be included if they are determined to be of such importance, scale, scope, and/or duration that they have already impaired or have the potential to impair significantly higher education functions, academic freedom, or the exercise of human rights by members of higher education communities. Such incidents may include occupation or closing of higher education campuses; destruction of higher education facilities, materials, or infrastructures; systematic or prolonged harassment or threats against members of higher education communities; systematic limits on access to higher education; systematic discrimination based on gender, race, or other grounds in access to, employment within, or other elements relating to higher education; the cancellation of academic events due to pressure from community members or elected officials or in an apparent effort to prevent discussion on disfavored topics; and executive, legislative, and other policy-related changes intended or having the reasonably foreseeable effect of restricting access to higher education, free expression on campus, or the autonomy of higher education institutions. The “other” category acknowledges that it is not easy to anticipate all relevant types of attacks. Over time, regular reports of similar kinds of conduct under “other” may justify adding an additional delimited category.
While these incidents vary in their nature, they share common impacts. They undermine the security of higher education institutions and personnel; pose barriers to higher education; and contribute to “brain drain,” the flight of scholars and students, as well as to “brain drag,” the “lost personal, professional, and creative productivity that would have been, but for the rational fear of retaliation.”[1] They often affect disadvantaged groups, especially in countries experiencing conflict, instability, or economic insecurity, exacerbating inequalities within the local and global knowledge economies. They disrupt international educational collaboration, depriving everyone of the fullest benefits of cross-border intellectual exchange and research. They undermine social, political, economic, and cultural development, and—particularly—democracy. A single incident typically has a chilling effect, extending its impact beyond those immediately affected to those who observe or learn of an attack and rationally alter their research, teaching, or expressive behavior—in other words, self-censor—for fear that the same could happen to them or those close to them.
Data Collection
Monitoring Project staff and volunteer researchers identify and research incidents based on a system developed by SAR. Researchers verify and triangulate information on each incident and draft a description and analysis of what happened. Each monitoring report must be corroborated by at least two independent sources. Sources typically include local, national, and international media outlets and human rights reports, and, where possible, primary sources such as interviews with victims, witnesses, or bystanders, and court, government, or university documents. Incidents corroborated by sufficient reliable sources are deemed “verified” and published as warranting public attention, including via email digests, website, social media, and summary reports.
External researchers, including faculty-led graduate student clinics at SAR member institutions and independent experts, may serve as volunteer monitors. Volunteer researchers may focus on researching a particular country or region for which they have expertise. Volunteer researchers submit reports to SAR on a rolling basis. Volunteers are encouraged to focus on the defined types of attacks but are also instructed to exercise an “inclusion preference,” reporting corroborated incidents which may be difficult to fit within the aforementioned types but raise significant concerns about the security and freedom of higher education communities. This allows the broadest collection of initial data, which over time will help support analysis of scope and frequency. In all cases, SAR staff provide a secondary level of review and work within the limits of available resources, and with project volunteers, to corroborate reported incidents and to evaluate when an incident rises to the level of reportable “attack” for project purposes. All reports are reviewed by SAR secretariat staff before they are published to the monitoring archive on the SAR website.
All published incident reports include links and references to assist users in evaluating alleged reports and do not necessarily represent the views of SAR, volunteer researchers, or respective members and partners of the SAR network. SAR will not knowingly report or disseminate information that is false or uncorroborated. SAR welcomes submissions of additional corroborating, clarifying, or contradictory information that may be used to further research or otherwise improve data reported.
The Challenges of Monitoring Attacks on Higher Education
As noted earlier, the Monitoring Project identifies only a fraction of the total number of attacks on higher education occurring annually. Data collection is limited by factors that include self-censorship among survivors; media restrictions that make it difficult to identify incidents and to verify their details (the Monitoring Project relies primarily on open-source media reports, and countries with severe restrictions on academic freedom are often countries with severely restricted media); and limited SAR staff resources.
Another challenge to the Monitoring Project’s incident-based methodology is the fact that numerically fewer incidents may occur in countries where conditions are, in fact, the worst. Hoffman and Kinzelbach (2018) note that events-based reporting can have the “paradoxical effect” of making “the most repressive environments appear comparatively benign.”[2] This is because of several factors, including the chilling effect of attacks on higher education, which causes scholars and students to self-censor; the destruction of higher education systems, which prevents academic activity from occurring; and the departure of scholars and students who are able to move elsewhere to continue to work or study in conditions of safety. All of these factors decrease and, in some cases, eliminate the number of incidents that could potentially be reported, creating a data void that does not necessarily equate to good or improved conditions, and may in fact reflect the opposite. This data void concern is flagged where relevant throughout this report, particularly concerning countries or territories for which the Monitoring Project has previously noted high numbers of attacks.
[1] Robert Quinn, “Academic Self-Censorship Is a ‘Brain Drag’ on Arab Universities and Societies,” Al-Fanar Media, April 18, 2021, www.al-fanarmedia.org/2021/04/academic-self-censorship-is-a-brain-drag-on-arab-universities-and-societies/.
[2] Hoffmann, Felix, Katrin Kinzelbach, and Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi). “Forbidden Knowledge: Measuring Academic Freedom,” April 2018. https://www.gppi.net/media/Kinzelbach_Hoffmann_2018_Forbidden_Knowledge.pdf.
On July 7, 2025, members of the 59th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (pictured above) expressed deep concern over rising global threats to academic freedom, recognized as a key element of the right to education. Photo: Alamy
Academic Freedom and Its Protection Under International Law
Academic freedom is “the human right to acquire, develop, transmit, apply, and engage with a diversity of knowledge and ideas through research, teaching, learning, and discourse.”[1] It is independently and interdependently grounded in several provisions of international law, including the freedom of opinion and expression, the right to education, and the right to the benefits of science, respectively, and has elements of freedom of association, freedom of movement, and other rights.
Human rights instruments that ground the right to academic freedom include the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights elaborated on the right of academic freedom in its General Comment No. 13 on the Right to Education (1990), and in General Comment No. 25 on the Right to Science (2020). In addition, UNESCO’s 1997 Recommendation concerning the Status of Higher-Education Teaching Personnel elaborates on academic freedom and institutional autonomy. Regional human rights bodies including the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), and the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) have also explicitly acknowledged the right to academic freedom in their jurisprudence and public commentary, as well as in documents such as the Inter-American Principles on Academic Freedom and University Autonomy.[2]
SAR has previously elaborated on the existing legal framework for academic freedom and the responsibility of the international community, states, and the higher education sector to uphold these standards. This discussion is available in Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Polish, Portuguese, Russian, and Spanish here.[3]
In 2020, the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression emphasized that “academic freedom should be understood to include the freedom of individuals, as members of academic communities (e.g., faculty, students, staff, scholars, administrators and community participants) or in their own pursuits, to conduct activities involving the discovery and transmission of information and ideas, and to do so with the full protection of human rights law.”[4] Academic freedom can be exercised both inside the academic community (“intramural expression”) or outside the academic community but within one’s expertise or area of focus (“extramural expression”).[5] The exercise of academic freedom carries with it “the obligation to seek truth and impart information according to ethical and professional standards, and to respond to contemporary problems and needs of all members of society.”[6] The protections warranted by academic freedom thus arise not from the locus where it is exercised, but from the application of training, experience, and expertise.
In 2023, at the 52nd Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UN HRC), seventy-four states issued an historic Joint Statement in support of Academic Freedom.[7] The signatories recognized that academic freedom is not only key to human rights education but also “essential for technical and scientific progress and for the development of the creative industries and the arts” and numerous related rights and freedoms. The statement also called for enhanced international cooperation toward strengthening the protection and promotion of academic freedom in the spirit of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action.[8]
In 2024, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the right to education encouraged states to recognize academic freedom as an autonomous human right.[9] For its advancement, and to ensure a better state of academic freedom worldwide, she called for the endorsement and implementation of the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, annexed to the report. The Principles elaborate on existing legal standards and norms and provide 1) tools to assist stakeholders in assessing existing protections and respect for academic freedom in a particular country or region; and 2) to give practical guidance to local stakeholders implementing the right to academic freedom. As the document points out, “When fully implemented, these principles would substantially guarantee protection, promotion, and enjoyment of the right of academic freedom.”
Resolution A/HRC/59/L.11 on the right to education was adopted on 7 July, 2025 during the 59th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council. The resolution recognized that the academic freedom of staff and students is a key dimension of the right to education, and emphasized “that States, academic institutions, teachers and staff have the responsibility to promote an inclusive, safe and enabling environment for academic, evidence-based enquiry, debate and discussion”, and therefore expressed “deep concern at the increasing restrictions on academic freedom”. It further stressed that “academic freedom, at all levels of education, inside and outside the academic community, is at the heart of scientific progress and contributes to building knowledge as a public and common good”, and went on to recognize “that individuals, as members of academic communities or in their own pursuits, should be free to conduct activities involving the discovery and transmission of knowledge and ideas, and to do so with the full protection of human rights law”. Finally, it took note with appreciation of the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom.[10]
Principle 1: Academic freedom is the right to develop knowledge and ideas.
Principle 2: Academic freedom is protected by international human rights law.
Principle 3: Academic freedom requires autonomy of institutions.
Principle 4: Academic freedom includes intramural and extramural expression.
Principle 5: Academic freedom requires access to information.
Principle 6: Academic freedom requires freedoms of movement and association.
Principle 7: Academic freedom is essential to all levels of education.
Principle 8: Students have the right to academic freedom.
Principle 9: Protection of academic freedom is a shared responsibility.
Complementing the emerging international framework recognizing a right to academic freedom are recognitions of academic freedom in state constitutions, national laws, decisions, and regulations, as well as in higher education policies and practices at the sectoral and institutional levels. As of 2024, 100 countries and territories had constitutional provisions that explicitly or implicitly protected academic freedom.[11]
Taken together, the existing global, regional, and national standards provide a robust framework for states, national human rights institutions, courts, civil society actors, rights advocates, and the higher education sector itself to advance claims for academic freedom, asserting them wherever possible and explicitly acknowledging the grounding of academic freedom within international human rights law.
[1] Human Rights Council, “Principles for implementing the right to academic freedom,” A/HRC/56/CRP.2, May 31, 2024, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc56crp2-principles-implementing-right-academic-freedom-working-group.
[2] IACHR, “Gross human rights violations in the context of social protests in Nicaragua,” June 21, 2018, paras. 170–71; and IACHR, “IACHR Observes Persistent Human Rights Issues in Venezuela,” April 5, 2019, www.oas.org/en/iachr/media_center/PReleases/2019/091.asp (expressing concern about attacks on professors and students, and stating that “academic freedom [and institutional autonomy] are crucial pillars to strengthen democratic structures and prevent politically driven pressures and interventions.”).
[3] See: “Academic Freedom and Its Protection Under International Law,” https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/academic-freedom-and-its-protection-under-international-law/.
[4] A/75/261, para. 8.
[5] A/HRC/56/CRP.2, Principle 1.
[6] A/HRC/56/CRP.2, Principle 4.
[7] United Nations Human Rights Council, “Joint statement on Academic Freedom,” March 29, 2023, https://onu-geneve.delegfrance.org/Joint-declaration-on-Academic-freedom.
[8] United Nations Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action,” June 25, 1993, https://www.ohchr.org/en/instruments-mechanisms/instruments/vienna-declaration-and-programme-action.
[9] A/HRC/56/58, p .1.
[10] Learn more here: https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session59/res-dec-stat.
[11] Filtering for the variable, “v2caprotac,” in the 2023 V-Dem dataset, available at v-dem.net/vdemds.html.
Sri Lankan activists protest outside the Bangladesh High Commission on July 22, 2024 in solidarity with calls to end violent crackdowns on student protesters. Photo: Getty
Attacks on Higher Education and Academic Freedom
The 2025 Free to Think report assesses data collected from July 1, 2024, through June 30, 2025, and includes 395 attacks arising from 328 incidents in 49 countries and territories. The reporting period was marked by violence targeting university students and faculty members leading nationwide movements, including in Bangladesh, Georgia, and Serbia. In some cases, such as in Bangladesh, these prompted significant political change, but only after police had responded with significant levels of force. The reporting period also saw the escalation of new illiberal policies, laws, and extralegal action targeting higher education in democratic contexts, particularly in the United States, leading to crackdowns on dissent and disfavored speech.
This chapter provides an overview of the typology of attacks, using Monitoring Project data from the above-mentioned reporting period, to highlight relevant issues of concern. In addition to the six categories that the Monitoring Project tracks, we specifically highlight attacks on student expression. Such attacks often fall under one of the Monitoring Project’s six categories, but are worth treating distinctly because they underscore the unique role that students play in the higher education space and as learners who carry skills of critical inquiry and expression into the wider public space.
It is also worth noting that the attack types are not mutually exclusive. Some significant incidents that occurred during the reporting period involved multiple types of attacks, such as legal and workplace repercussions. For example, the US government reversed the legal status, arrested, and attempted to deport several international students in March and April 2025—incidents that are both travel violations and cases of arrest and detention.[1]
Killings, Violence, and Disappearances
Violent attacks on scholars, students, staff, and their institutions are one of the most serious threats to the higher education sector. From large-scale explosive attacks that target university infrastructure, staff, and students to targeted killings and threats of violence against individuals or groups, these attacks result in loss of lives and injuries, compromise the safety of entire campuses, and incite fear in faculty, students, administrators, and society at large. This, in turn, can restrict access to higher education, threaten the functioning of the higher education space, and chill academic freedom.
Since the Monitoring Project’s inception in 2011, SAR has registered 1,255 violent attacks (roughly 46 percent of total attacks documented), including 183 that occurred during this reporting period (about 56 percent of the total number of attacks analyzed for this report). It is worth noting that this number includes attacks in which police or other security personnel used lethal or less lethal force[2] against organized student expression or protests. These incidents are described below in the subsection of this chapter dedicated to student expression.
The current reporting period saw several different forms of violence targeting scholars and students. These included forcible disappearances, violent and targeted attacks on scholars or students, and opportunistic violence that took advantage of the location of university and college campuses.
Security forces forcibly disappeared scholars or students for exercising their rights to freedom of expression. This type of attack is epitomized by incidents in Mozambique, where on November 14, 2024, three members of the Serviço Nacional de Investigação Criminal (SERNIC), wearing masks and civilian clothing, blindfolded and gagged Universidade Eduardo Mondlane (UEM) student Agapito [only one name] as he was on his way to a store. They drove him to an unknown location where a fourth individual reportedly tortured and interrogated him, telling him that his activism had made him a target and that there were orders to end Agapito’s life. One of the SERNIC members released Agapito the following day, after learning that they were from the same province.[3]
Student groups, members of the public, and unknown assailants violently attacked or threatened scholars or students because of the content of their teaching; their racial, ethnic, or religious identity; or their social or political activism. In India, individuals associated with several Hindu Nationalist groups beat Professor Chengaiah, head of the electrical engineering department at Sri Venkateswara University (SVU) and an advocate of Dalit rights. They accused the professor of promoting Christianity in his classes.[4]
In Afghanistan, Taliban guards beat Hassamuddin Rahimzai, a professor in the Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence at Sheikh Zayed University, after he objected to the process for evaluating existing faculty members. Rahimzai was then detained in the Khost governor’s detention facility, where he was reportedly tortured.[5]
In Venezuela, unidentified individuals fired teargas against students standing in line waiting to vote in student elections at the Universidad Central de Venezuela, in an apparent attempt to stop the elections. Students also reported that the assailants tried to steal ballot boxes. The students were forced to evacuate the building.[6]
In October 2024, unknown individuals threatened students and staff at several universities in Argentina amid nationwide protests against Argentine President Javier Milei’s veto of the University Financing Law, a move that would effectively defund universities across the country. In two of the incidents, unidentified individuals used pepper spray against students and staff at the National University of Quilmes and the National University of Cordoba in apparent attempts to shut down the assemblies. In both cases, hundreds of students and staff members had gathered to discuss the future of the protest movement. The attacks forced evacuations and the suspension of the assemblies.[7] Then, on October 24, the Teachers’ Union Association (AGD) of the Basic Common Cycle at the University of Buenos Aires (UBA) announced that several professors had received “intimidating and threatening calls” in apparent retaliation for their participation in the protests.[8]
Finally, armed groups opportunistically targeted students and scholars, taking advantage of university trips or of university and college campuses and facilities as places where groups of people gather according to predictable schedules, especially when inadequate steps were taken to provide for the security of campuses, classrooms, transports, and dormitories. These abductions were common in Nigeria, as described in the country summary below. Similar abductions took place in other countries: in Cameroon, for example, a local militant group abducted 11 Saint-Lawrence University Institute students and staff members while they were on their way to a small village near campus for an educational program.[9]
SAR condemns targeted, violent attacks on higher education communities, as well as threats of violence. As articulated in the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, state authorities have the primary responsibility and duty to ensure that acts of violence do not abrogate students’ and scholars’ rights to academic freedom.[10] As such, SAR calls on state authorities to investigate these incidents, to make every effort to hold perpetrators accountable, and to ensure the security of all members of the community. State authorities must publicize investigations and accountability measures in order to inform constituents, positively influence state and nonstate actors, and make these measures effective. SAR also calls on higher education institutions and civil society to press state authorities for greater protection and accountability, and to contribute to efforts to understand and reinforce principles of autonomy and academic freedom.
Wrongful Imprisonment and Prosecution
Scholars and students bring attention to a variety of important issues and may question dominant discourse and figures of authority through their academic work, inquiry, expression, and associations. In an effort to maintain power and control, state authorities—sometimes at the request or with the assent of university authorities—may attempt to silence students with a range of coercive legal measures, including criminal investigations, arrests, prosecutions, imprisonment, and injunctions and other forms of pressure. Since the Monitoring Project’s inception, SAR has documented 1,029 incidents involving wrongful imprisonment or prosecution, 55 of which occurred during this reporting period.
Imprisonments and prosecutions of scholars and students are wrongful when they punish, deter, or impede nonviolent academic activity or the exercise of other protected rights, including freedoms of expression, association, or assembly. Such prosecutions are typically brought under laws aimed at restricting critical inquiry and expression. These include opaque and overbroad laws on blasphemy, lèse-majesté (defamation against the dignity of a ruling head of state, or of the state itself), civil and criminal defamation, sedition, espionage, national security, and terrorism that make illegal the mere expression of opinions or ideas on certain topics, without any link to violent or otherwise criminal acts or intentions whatsoever.[11] Such laws raise concern for entire higher education communities in that they sanction and impose artificial boundaries on research, teaching, publications, and discussion, undermining quality, creativity, and innovation that can benefit society at large. Scholars also face legal actions brought under other laws of general application, including, for example, those proscribing financial impropriety, corruption, or immorality. Wrongful prosecutions under such laws damage the reputation of the targeted individuals and isolate them from their institutions, colleagues, and other sources of professional and personal support.
In many cases, legal proceedings and prosecutions of scholars and students involve forced confessions, fabricated evidence, arbitrary charges, and lengthy prison sentences or harsh penalties. Trials may be repeatedly delayed, held in secret, or conducted via closed-door proceedings, denying access to media and family. Such actions raise serious due process concerns. Detained or imprisoned scholars and students may also be held in overcrowded cells or solitary confinement; denied access to appropriate medical care, family, or legal counsel; and subjected to lengthy interrogations, abuse, and torture.
During the reporting period, lecturers, researchers, other academic personnel, and students faced investigation, prosecution, imprisonment, and other legal actions in connection with their research, comments that they made during public events, or their ties to foreign academic or media organizations. Those arrested were often subjected to spurious charges related to “terrorism,” “extremism,” or the “endangerment of state security.” Arrests like these were a feature of attacks occurring in a number of the countries highlighted later in this report, including in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Russia. In addition, other notable arrests include the following examples:
In Thailand in early April 2025, police arrested Paul Chambers, political scientist, lecturer, and special advisor on international affairs at Naresuan University, in connection with his research on the role of the military in Thailand and his participation in a webinar in late 2024. The arrest occurred after the Thai military filed a complaint against Chambers for his webinar comments. A Thai court charged Chambers with violating the country’s lèse-majesté law, which makes it illegal to insult the monarchy, and computer crimes act, which bars the introduction of “counterfeit computer data that could threaten national security”—charges Chambers denied. On April 8, Chambers was released on bail, but he was required to wear an ankle monitor, his passport was confiscated, and his visa was revoked. The charges against Chambers were later dropped. In the meantime, however, Naresuan University had terminated Chambers’s contract. The termination occurred without an opportunity for Chambers to participate in a hearing. His loss of position also nullified his permit to work in Thailand.[12] He is challenging his dismissal.
On October 19, 2024, in Tunisia, police arrested Victor Dupont—a doctoral student at the Institute for Research and Studies on the Arab and Muslim Worlds (IREMAM), a joint research program affiliated with the French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS) and Aix-Marseille University—on charges of “endangering state security.” At the time of his arrest, Dupont was conducting doctoral fieldwork examining the career paths of former Arab Spring activists. Those close to him, including his academic supervisor, denied the charges against him, stating that his research was not political, but sociological in nature. Dupont spent about a month in detention. On November 12, after high-level diplomatic discussions, Tunisian authorities released Dupont, and three days later, he returned to France.[13]
In Cameroon, police arrested around 70 students at their residences on May 15, 2025, ahead of the country’s 53rd National Unity Day. The arrests, which were conducted under the pretext of maintaining law and order, took place in the university town of Bambili-Bamenda. The town is located in the English-speaking northwest and southwest regions of Cameroon, where a separatist armed conflict has been ongoing since 2016. Many of the arrests were carried out violently.[14]
The incidents described above provide a disturbing accounting of the range of punitive legal actions that members of the academic community often suffer in connection with their research, publications, expressive activity, and associations. These actions—often at the hands of state authorities—undermine academic freedom, as stated in the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom.[15] Such actions can leave them with physical and emotional scars and, in some cases, destroy careers. Beyond the immediate harm to individual scholars and students, wrongful imprisonments and prosecutions send a message to higher education communities and society at large that expressing ideas or raising questions can result in grave consequences. As a result, society risks losing the benefits of having a diverse community of scholars and students who are free to carry out their work or share their thoughts without fear of punishment by state authorities.
SAR urges state authorities around the world to release scholars and students imprisoned for their academic work or the nonviolent exercise of other protected rights. SAR calls on state authorities to immediately release wrongfully imprisoned scholars and students, especially those who have health conditions that elevate their level of risk or who are being held in unsanitary or crowded conditions. Pending this, states must uphold their obligations under domestic and international law, including those related to due process and the humane treatment of prisoners. SAR further urges state authorities to drop prosecutions against scholars in connection with nonviolent academic or expressive activity, to review laws that have been used wrongfully to prosecute scholars and students, and to amend or repeal them as necessary to ensure that scholars can think, question, and share ideas without fear of retribution.
Loss of Position
State and higher education authorities often use a range of disciplinary actions to punish, deter, and restrict the exercise of academic freedom and other protected rights of scholars and students. These include the loss of position by dismissal, suspension, denial of contract renewal, or withholding of promotions or other benefits. At times, actors external to the university, including alumni, donors, elected officials, members of the media, or community members, may put pressure on university authorities to punish scholars. State or university officials may point specifically to the content of research or teaching in explaining disciplinary actions. However, they may also attribute the action to regular administrative or employment decisions having nothing to do with academic content or conduct, such as budget cuts or lack of demand, or allegations of poor performance, violation of policy, violation of terms of employment or admission, fraud, or other dishonest or inappropriate behavior; they may also provide no explanation.[16]
Since the Monitoring Project’s inception, SAR has reported 441 incidents involving permanent or temporary loss of position or threats of the same, including 52 during this reporting period. This includes cases affecting both scholars and students. The examples below illustrate a range of employment and administrative actions taken against lecturers, researchers, and other academic personnel during this reporting period.
In some cases, scholars lost or were suspended from their positions for their commentary on world events, or for making statements critical of their government’s policies or ideological stance. In Afghanistan, in December 2024, for instance, it was reported that the Taliban had forced 12 professors to resign from their positions at Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani University in Kunar province in apparent retaliation for their ideological opposition to the government.[17]
As reported in Free to Think 2024, in several countries, faculty members and students lost their positions or were suspended because of their public commentary related to Israel’s ongoing military action in Gaza. In the United States, as announced in September 2024, Muhlenberg College fired Maura Finkelstein, a tenured associate professor of anthropology, for sharing a social media post that was critical of Zionism. The American Association of University Professors found that her dismissal violated her right to academic freedom.[18]
Also in the US, on June 26, 2025, the interim dean of Georgetown University’s College of Arts and Sciences notified Jonathan Brown, a professor of Islamic Studies and the Alwaleed bin Talal Chair of Islamic Civilization, that his position as chair would not be renewed because of a social media post that Brown had made. The tweet was intended to call for de-escalation and came after the US launched “bunker buster” bombs on underground Iranian nuclear sites amid ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Iran. Brown, an expert in Islamic studies, tweeted, “I’m not an expert, but I assume Iran could still get a bomb easily. I hope Iran does some symbolic strike on a base, then everyone stops.” A politicized outcry followed the tweet, and Georgetown’s interim president later stated that Brown had been placed on leave, pending an investigation.[19]
In multiple cases, universities dismissed faculty members on the basis of their identity. In the United States, New College of Florida fired Kevin Wang, an adjunct professor of Chinese language and culture, citing a state law barring public universities from hiring staff and faculty from several “countries of concern.” Wang, who is from China, had worked at the university since 2023 and was seeking asylum in the US after losing his academic position in China for criticizing Chinese President Xi Jinping.[20]
In Bangladesh, the Islamic University Kushtia placed Hafizul Islam, an assistant professor of Developmental Studies, on a compulsory one-year leave. The leave followed student protests claiming that Islam is gay; the university placed Islam on leave pending an investigation into the claims.[21]
Expulsions, dismissals, suspensions, and other forms of professional retaliation or silencing can have a corrosive effect on academic freedom and free expression generally. As noted in the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, “rules and practices for appointment, hiring, conditions of work, admissions, promotion, tenure and retention, and expulsion or dismissal of institutional leadership, administrative and academic, research, and teaching staff, and students must be free of political or outside influence.”[22] When this principle is not followed, university autonomy is eroded, and the likelihood of self-censorship—and even brain drain—increases as scholars and students seek fairer and more transparent environments in which to conduct their research, teaching, and studying. Professional retaliation can also leave individuals isolated and vulnerable to more extreme forms of attack, including arrest, prosecution, and violence. Early attention to dismissals and expulsions may then help to forestall these attacks. Finally, to the extent that these forms of attacks are intended to silence critics and, in the case of students, eliminate their potential for effective criticism and dissent in the future, these forms of attacks threaten the foundations of democratic society and warrant a robust response.
To safeguard academic freedom and institutional autonomy and to maintain the highest standards of quality education, SAR calls on higher education leaders and state authorities to refrain from taking or compelling disciplinary actions intended to punish or restrict the exercise of academic freedom and other protected rights. SAR further calls on higher education leaders and administrators to ensure faculty and students due process in all disciplinary proceedings.
Travel Restrictions
Freedom of movement is fundamental to quality higher education, advancing the exchange of new ideas and bolstering international academic collaborations to address the world’s problems. However, the international and intrastate mobility of both students and scholars is routinely threatened by state actors seeking to limit the flow of knowledge. Governments deny scholars and students entry at their national borders, deport members of the academic community, and enact policies that seek to or unintentionally limit or frustrate academic travel, including for fieldwork, conferences, study abroad, and to take up employment offers.
To be clear, states have the right to control entry into their territories and to restrict travel to protect national security and public health; however, they must do so consistent with their obligations under domestic and international law. Restrictions on travel intended to limit particular academic content or conduct, or that of particular scholars or students, may violate academic freedom, freedom of expression, and other internationally recognized rights.[23]
In addition to the free movement of people, the free flow of ideas is also essential for advancing knowledge and understanding. Technology has made virtual cross-border collaboration increasingly possible. To the extent that governments enact policies that function as barriers to international research cooperation, these policies also function as barriers to academic freedom.
Since the Monitoring Project’s inception, SAR has reported 113 incidents involving travel restrictions that have directly impacted thousands of scholars and students, including 9 during the current reporting period. Almost all of these took place in the United States. Following the election of US President Donald Trump, the government targeted US-based international students broadly—first by attempting to revoke their visas and later by freezing visa interviews for students seeking to study in the US[24]—and cracked down in particular on students who had voiced pro-Palestinian opinions. On March 8, 2025, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents detained Mahmoud Khalil, a recent graduate of the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University and lawful permanent resident of the United States (i.e., a green card holder), in apparent retaliation for his pro-Palestinian student activism. A member of Columbia University Apartheid Divest, a coalition of student groups that advocating for a free Palestinian state, Khalil played a leadership role during the student protests that took place at Columbia University in the Spring 2024, during which students protested Israeli military action in Gaza and demanded that the university divest from companies that do business in Israel. Khalil was not charged with any crime. Instead, he was arrested under a section of the Immigration and Nationality Act that purportedly grants the US secretary of state the power to deport any individual whose presence in the US poses “potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences.”[25] Khalil was released from prison on June 20, 2025 pending the results of a future deportation hearing.[26] Khalil was only one of several student green card or visa holders who were detained under similar conditions during the reporting period. Others included Georgetown University postdoctoral fellow Badar Khan Suri;[27] Tufts University doctoral student Rümeysa Öztürk;[28] and Columbia University undergraduate Mohsen Mahdawi.[29]
US authorities’ actions to restrict travel for international scholars and students went beyond those studying in the US. In March 2025, after US border agents found messages critical of US President Trump on the personal electronic devices of a French scientist, they denied him entry to attend a conference in the country.[30] The incident prompted other academics to cancel their trips to the US and a global call for academics to boycott meetings in the US.[31]
Healthy societies require the free movement of scholars, students, and their ideas. The Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom point out that “restrictions on movement, including restrictions on entry, exit, return after exit, or right to remain, which intentionally punish, deter, or impede research, teaching or discourse of academic, research, and teaching staff and students, or otherwise sanction a member of the education sector for their exercise of protected rights,” repress and often penalize the international exchange of ideas that is a hallmark of modern academia, thereby undermining academic freedom.[32] SAR calls upon state and international authorities to adopt and respect policies that fully protect the right to academic travel, including the “freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers.”[33] State authorities should not deny scholars and students entry or exit visas, cancel their passports, force their return to their home countries, or otherwise attempt to impede or interfere with academic expression or conduct.
Student Expression
A substantial proportion of the incidents reported in SAR’s Monitoring Project relate to student expression. As noted in the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, “As members of education communities students have the right to academic freedom.”[34] Incidents relating to student expression include violent attacks and threats that obstruct students’ freedom of expression, assembly, and association, and incidents in which students take actions or call for violence, intimidation, or interference that may undermine academic freedom and free expression. During this reporting period, SAR reported 203 student expression–related incidents that directly impacted many hundreds of students.
In the first instance, individual and organized student expression is an integral part of the higher education process and an important contributor to public discourse generally. Students’ right to engage in such protests is protected under international human rights standards relating to academic freedom, freedom of expression, freedoms of assembly and association, and the right to education. Despite these protections, state and institutional actors frequently restrict and retaliate against student expression through the use of violent force, detentions, and coercive legal and disciplinary actions. Beyond violating internationally recognized human rights and endangering members of the campus community, attacks on student expression chill the learning environment and limit the free inquiry and expression required for open, democratically legitimate societies.
Police Use of Force against Students
Among the most common student expression-related incidents are those that involve the use of force by police against student protesters. During the current reporting period, police used tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, water cannons, or—as was the case in Bangladesh, where student protests led to the downfall of the government—live ammunition in an effort to disperse students leading protests against their governments. Violent crackdowns took place in several of the countries highlighted in this report, including Bangladesh, Georgia, and Serbia. Police also responded forcibly to student protests related to educational issues in highlighted countries including India and Pakistan.
In addition to highlighted countries, students exercising their rights to free expression and assembly were violently met by police in a number of other countries. In Ethiopia, on December 19, 2024, government forces opened fire on students protesting a shortage of funding for student meals at Debark University. Government forces entered the campus and began shooting indiscriminately, killing one student and injuring two. Hundreds of students were reportedly temporarily detained before being released the following day.[35]
On August 1, 2024, in Madagascar, police fired teargas to disperse students protesting against the delay of scholarship payments at the École Supérieure Polytechnique d’Antananarivo (ESPA). The protest began peacefully the day before. On August 1, however, ESPA students began resorting to more disruptive means of protest, including using burning tires to block access to campus, engaging in acts of vandalism, and throwing stones at police who arrived to intervene. Police then used tear gas and, reportedly, stun grenades to disperse protesters. Several students and police were injured, including one student who sustained an injury to their eye.[36]
In Türkiye, on at least three separate days in March 2025, police used pepper spray, plastic pellets, and water cannons to disperse students at Middle East Technical University protesting the government’s arrest of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul and the Republican People’s Party’s candidate for the 2028 presidential elections.[37]
In Morocco, students participated in a year-long strike lasting from the fall of 2023 to the fall of 2024 against a policy reducing the length of medical studies from seven to six years, a change that the students believed would reduce the quality of their education. On September 25, 2024, police beat hundreds of student protesters and arrested at least 15 students from the Mohammed V University of Rabat’s Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacy during a demonstration that took place as part of the protest movement. The students were charged with disobedience, failure to comply with authorities, and unauthorized unarmed assembly for their participation in the sit-in. The Court of First Instance in Rabat acquitted them of all charges on January 22, 2025.[38]
In Kenya, police violently dispersed students at multiple universities who were protesting against educational conditions on their campuses. On February 25, 2025, police fired tear gas and used clubs to disperse students from the Technical University of Kenya who were protesting the indefinite closure of their institution because of a teacher strike resulting from unpaid salaries.[39]
In the Gambia, three students were hospitalized on December 2, 2024, after police used teargas to disperse a group of students who were protesting at the University of the Gambia against the dismissal of two lecturers.[40]
In Liberia, several students were injured on December 20, 2024, when police attempted to disperse students associated with the Student Unification Alliance (SUA) at William V.S. Tubman University as they were protesting tuition increases and the suspension of 14 students the week prior. The administration of the university called police to respond, resulting in clashes. In the course of the clashes, police dragged students across the ground, beat them with batons, and fired tear gas and water cannons. Students threw rocks and other objects at police. Several students sustained injuries, including difficulty breathing, fractures, and bruises.[41]
On February 12, 2025, French police used tear gas to disperse around 60 students protesting at the University of Lille’s Pont-de-Bois campus against governmental budget cuts to public universities.[42]
In Brazil, on September 20, 2024, the São Paulo Shock Battalion, a military police unit also known as Grupo de Ações Táticas Especiais (GATE), used stun grenades to disperse students who had been participating in a two-month sit-in on the campus of University of the State of Rio de Janeiro. The students were protesting budget cuts to services and financial assistance to students. According to Rodrigo Mondego, a prosecutor for the Rio de Janeiro People’s Human Rights Commission, the students did not resist their removal. Three students were arrested.[43]
SAR condemns violent and coercive attacks against students, from whatever source. SAR urges governments and higher education leaders to ensure that security officials, both state and private, exercise restraint and respond to student expression and protest activities in an appropriate and proportional manner, focused on de-escalation and consistent with recognized international human rights standards. States should not use weapons when responding to nonviolent student expression.[44] If force is necessary, as a last resort to maintain safety, it must be proportionate and limited so as to reduce unnecessary risk of harm to protesting students and others. State authorities must further ensure appropriate protections for nonviolent student expression—especially when on a campus or in an academic setting. SAR calls on state authorities to immediately release students in custody and drop any charges that stem from their peaceful academic or expressive activity. SAR urges higher education leaders to refrain from taking disciplinary actions against students in retaliation for or to restrict nonviolent student expression, inquiry, assembly, or association.
Students too have a responsibility to ensure that protests remain peaceful. SAR calls on students to engage in expressive actions responsibly and refrain from violence, including by refraining from direct or threatened harm to others, or materially disrupting the operations of the university and truth-seeking of other students, faculty, or community members.
Disciplinary Actions against Students for Their Expressive Activity
Students also face academic reprisals for expressive activity, including suspension, expulsion, and bans. Retaliations of this type can have lasting negative impacts on the students they affect: even if they are permitted to enroll elsewhere, other institutions may be hesitant to accept them, fearing government reprisals. As a result, the students’ future prospects are reduced. Students, meanwhile, may experience permanent or temporary expulsion, loss of scholarships or access to housing or other facilities, or suspension of the student groups that they participate in.
During the current reporting period, students in the United States experienced disciplinary penalties for their expressive activity criticizing Israeli government policies and Israel’s military assault in Gaza. On March 19, 2025, Tulane University’s Office of Student Conduct opened disciplinary investigations against seven students for participating in a peaceful off-campus protest with an independent student group, the Together United Students for a Democratic Society (TUSDS). TUSDS was the reconstituted form of Tulane Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), a student group that the university banned in April 2024 for its role in organizing a pro-Palestinian student encampment. The university stated that the students’ participation in the protest was not protected under its policy on free expression because of SDS’s suspension, despite the fact that TUSDS is not formally associated with the university and the protest took place off campus.[45]
In both the United States and India, universities withheld students’ diplomas because of their expression of pro-Palestinian sentiments during their graduation ceremonies. In May 2025, New York University withheld the diploma of Logan Rozos, a student at the university’s Gallatin School and the school’s graduation speaker, in connection with comments that he made referring to the situation in Gaza as “genocide.” The school accused Rozos of departing from the planned remarks that he shared with the university. The dismissal came under public pressure after the social media account EndJewHatred accused Rozos of making people at the graduation feel “unsafe.”[46] Importantly, while invited speakers may not have a right to the podium, once invited they should not be censored or disciplined for their peaceful expression of views, even if controversial.
In India, at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), the diploma of Ablaz Mohammed Schemnad, a Master’s graduate of Developmental Studies, was withheld after he wore a keffiyeh to his graduation ceremony. This was despite the fact that Schemnad removed the keffiyeh before going on stage to receive his diploma.[47]
In Indonesia, universities penalized students for criticizing their government. On October 25, 2024, Airlangga University suspended three students from the Student Executive Board (BEM) of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIP) for “unethical behavior.” The students had raised a banner in the campus garden that criticized Indonesia’s new President Prabowo Subianto and Vice-President Gibran Rakabuming Raka.[48]
It is worth noting that SAR identifies a much higher volume of incidents in which universities suspend or expel students than are verified through the AFMP. Verification of such incidents is challenging because universities are not often able to share the details of their investigative processes, and it can be difficult to determine whether students actually violated university policies. This is further complicated by the fact that universities are increasingly changing their policies to limit the places and circumstances under which students are able to engage in protests on campus, as well as the forms of protest in which students are permitted to engage. Troublingly, these policies often use overly broad and vague language that leaves room for interpretation and discriminatory application. In some cases, they are adopted without transparency or consultation with the wider university community, and they are put in place quietly, leaving students and faculty unaware of their existence. The secretive nature of the revision process, together with the fact that these policies often empower a small number of decisionmakers to take disciplinary action, suggests that they are not neutral, but intended to silence disfavored speech.[49]
In the United States, many colleges and universities over the summer of 2024 developed new time, place, and manner policies for protests on their campuses.[50] Some of the most common changes included bans on student encampments, bans on the use of masks during protests, more stringent requirements for registering protests in advance (something that is challenging given that many protests occur spontaneously in response to real-time events), limitations on the use of amplified sound, and harsher sanctions for breaking the policies.[51]
In India, a growing number of universities enacted new policies that limited student expression. These policies mirrored actions taken by Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and South Asian University (SAU) in 2023, as previously reported in Free to Think 2024. For instance, the Tata Institute of Social Science,[52] Mumbai University,[53] Jamia Millia Islamia,[54] Osmania University,[55] and Panjab University[56] variously banned students from holding discussions, demonstrations, or sloganeering without prior authorization.
In Australia, the University of Sidney banned student announcements prior to class and protests inside campus buildings, and also restricted where students could post banners and pamphlets or chalk on sidewalks.[57]
While university authorities have an obligation to take all reasonable measures to ensure the safety of students and university personnel and to prevent disruptions that inappropriately inhibit the functioning of or access to higher education, they must do so consistent with their responsibility to ensure academic freedom and free expression on campus.
Students as Perpetrators of Violations
In addition to being subjected to violations, students can also become perpetrators of violations that damage academic freedom and free expression on campus. A minority of incidents involve some students—often subsets of a broader group—engaging in physical violence directed at fellow students, higher education personnel, security personnel, or campus facilities. In particular, clashes between student groups disrupted education on college and university campuses and made the learning environment unwelcoming and unsafe.
As highlighted later in this report, such incidents were common in India and Bangladesh. In Bangladesh in particular, where there is a history of violent clashes on campus between student branches of political parties, fighting between students protesting quotas for government jobs and progovernment student groups was a prominent feature of the uprising that eventually led to the resignation of the government. Violence escalated most notably after July 15, 2024, when the progovernment Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL)—the student wing of the Awami League, the former ruling party of Bangladesh—attacked antiquota student protesters at and around Dhaka University, resulting in injuries to around 100 students.[58]
Beyond those countries featured in this report, clashes also disrupted university life in France, Italy, and Argentina.
In France, members of Raised Fist, a far-left, antifascist student group, and members of the Union Nationale Interuniversitaire (UNI), a right-wing student group, clashed at University of Toulouse-Jean Jaurès’ Mirail campus on February 11, 2025. At the time of the clash, UNI members were distributing flyers related to the upcoming university elections in front of the university’s metro station. Three students were injured.[59]
In Italy, on November 21, 2024, clashes broke out between members of the Student Collectives, a left-wing student group, and University Action (Azione), a right-wing student group, during student elections at Sapienza University of Rome. The clash was sparked after members of the Student Collectives began throwing bottles and stones at students affiliated with Azione, who were passing out leaflets during student election voting. A university security guard was injured.[60]
In Argentina, on October 4, 2024, National University of La Plata (UNLP) students clashed with one another during an on-campus event aimed at promoting La Libertad Avanza, a right-wing libertarian political group founded by President Javier Milei. The clash resulted in the event being moved to a different location.[61]
The Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom point out that “Threats to, or violations of the rights of students and organized student groups, including by means of suspensions and expulsions; arrests and prosecutions; imprisonments and violence; infiltration, surveillance, interference with or dissolution of student associations, unions, and assemblies, by state and non-state actors, undermine academic freedom.”[62] SAR calls on members of higher education communities and civil society to commit to respecting the campus space, both physical and virtual, as a safe, free arena where ideas can be expressed and debated without fear of physical harm or undue restriction. SAR further calls on students engaged in expressive activity on or off campus to do so consistent with higher education values and human rights principles. This includes abstaining from using physical violence to advance the objectives of student expression.
Regardless of the type of perpetrator, the frequency and severity of incidents involving student expression underscore the importance and vulnerability of student expression around the world. (Indeed, student expression incidents constitute roughly 62 percent of the incidents SAR reported this year, although this may reflect in part greater visibility and reporting on attacks on students relative to other attacks.) Understanding student expression—its forms, presence around the globe, and significance to education and society—and working to protect it are essential to ensuring quality higher education that provides the maximum societal benefit.
Other
The types of attacks discussed above capture the most severe incidents (killings, violence, disappearances, prosecution, and imprisonment) and those that, despite the difficulty in documenting them, likely impact large numbers of scholars and students (loss of position/expulsion, travel restrictions). The “other” category captures incidents that do not fall squarely within these but may nevertheless significantly impair higher education functions, academic freedom, and the rights of entire higher education communities. Forms of “other” attacks typically include military raids on and occupations of higher education facilities; damage to or destruction of higher education facilities, often during armed conflict; legislative and administrative actions that erode institutional autonomy; systematic or repeated harassment intended to intimidate and undermine the academic freedom of scholars, students, and other personnel but lacking the overt element of violence or coercion present in the enumerated type discussed earlier; and efforts to restrict or otherwise impede higher education events. Since the Monitoring Project’s inception, SAR has reported 574 “other” incidents, including 79 during this reporting period.
Administrative Actions, Laws, and Policymaking
Governments around the world are increasingly using their regulatory powers to encroach on academic space. This includes outright bans on education, measures interfering with university autonomy, and laws and policies limiting free speech or international research collaboration. In some of the most closed and authoritarian contexts, higher education is being used as a space to promote specific dominant ideologies. In other contexts—including those that are more open, and particularly where neoliberal models guide higher education management and governance—the financing of higher education has become a tool for restricting academic freedom. Such policies are attacks on higher education insofar as they are specifically intended to restrict research, discourse, teaching, and learning on campus. Moreover, because these policies have a veneer of legitimacy (which obscures their improper intent), they are a particularly insidious form of attack on academic freedom and free expression on campus.
The administrative, legislative, and policy-related changes described here are detrimental to intellectual freedom, independent thought, and a free and democratic society. They build a climate of fear and persecution. They encourage scholars and students to self-censor, and they give the government a greater say in the functioning of higher education institutions. In this sense, not only are such laws and policies themselves attacks on higher education; they also contribute to an illiberal environment that increases the likelihood of more violent and coercive attacks targeted at specific scholars, students, or institutions.
As described in the Regional Trends section below, in the United States, following the inauguration of President Donald Trump, the new administration launched a torrent of unilateral executive actions and policy and budgetary measures aimed at weakening the higher education sector. Many of these actions were either clearly extralegal or, even when legal, extraordinary in that they facilitated the dismantling of the research and knowledge production capabilities of the country. The federal government’s actions emboldened state lawmakers, including in Idaho and Ohio,[63] to pass laws that undermined university autonomy by banning diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, centralizing governance in political appointees, and weakening tenure protections.
The behavior of some governments abroad mirrored those of the US. In May 2025, Israeli Education Minister Yoav Kisch threatened to withhold funding for Hebrew University of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv University after they permitted students to hold demonstrations commemorating the “Nakba,” the displacement of an estimated 700,000 Palestinians in 1948.[64]
In Afghanistan, the Taliban-led government implemented policies further limiting educational opportunities for women. On December 2, 2024, Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada issued a directive banning women from studying at medical schools in Afghanistan.[65]
In Albania, Poland, Japan, and Pakistan, experts criticized proposed research and higher education reforms for their potential to pave the way for political interference and to undermine the autonomy of universities and research institutions. Albania’s draft law “On Science and Scientific Research” sought to expand the entities that can carry out such research and establish a National Science Council under the direction of the Prime Minister to oversee that research.[66] In Poland, the Ministry of Science and Education proposed restructuring the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN), which it argued was poorly managed, so that it would be overseen by the minister of science.[67] In Japan, the government sought to implement reforms that would effectively dismantle the Science Council of Japan by turning it into a special corporation that would be audited by the prime minister’s appointees.[68] In Pakistan, the Sindh provincial government proposed a new law that would allow for civil servants to be appointed as vice-chancellors of public universities, increasing the potential for political influence.[69]
As reported in Free to Think 2024, some states took administrative actions to address geopolitical concerns or human rights violations that had the effect of impeding international research collaboration. Israeli scholars and universities found themselves increasingly barred from international venues and collaborations as their country’s military action continued in Gaza.[70] Even as individual universities cut ties with Israeli institutions, in May 2025, the European Union announced that it would review Israel’s participation in Horizon Europe, its funding scheme for research and innovation.[71]
The Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom recognize that “The protection, promotion, and enjoyment of academic freedom require the autonomy of academic, research, and teaching institutions.” This includes ensuring that external actors, along with institutional education leaders, oversight boards, and governing councils, respect the principle of self-governance, “which is an essential component of autonomy.”[72] SAR urges governments and higher education leaders to fight back against this form of authoritarian encroachment by refraining from actions that erode academic freedom or university autonomy. These actions include: increasing external authority over higher education; imposing ideological obligations on the administration or content of academic teaching or research; or otherwise coercively intervening in the higher education space. SAR calls on government and higher education leaders to bolster existing norms of democracy, human rights, and academic freedom by fighting and, where necessary, repealing such executive, legislative, or policy actions that infringe upon academic freedom, free expression on campus, and university autonomy.
Cancellations of Academic Events
Common during the reporting period were efforts to cancel or impede participation in lectures, seminars, conferences, or other events hosted by members of the higher education community. In some of these cases, university authorities cancel events; in others, individuals—either members of the university community or not—harass or threaten organizers or speakers, prompting an event’s cancellation. As was reported in Free to Think 2024, a large number of the events canceled this year focused on the violence in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza; however, universities also canceled events focused on disfavored and other politically controversial topics or speakers. Often universities justified the event cancellations by pointing to unspecified security concerns without offering alternative venues or security arrangements, or they contended that the event would be divisive for the university community. In any case, cancellation of nonviolent public events restricts or deters scholarly discussion and the free exchange of ideas and information.
In the United States, universities canceled multiple events focused on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. On April 5, 2025, the administrations of Notre Dame University’s Keough School of Global Affairs and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies canceled the keynote address of the Kroc Institute’s annual Student Peace Conference, which was scheduled to take place on April 11-12, 2025. The decision to cancel the address was related to the keynote speaker’s plans to discuss pro-Palestinian activism on college campuses. The cancellation was ordered despite the fact that students had followed all regulations for planning university events. The university reportedly made no effort to reschedule Abdelhadi’s remarks for another day when security could be provided, or to find an alternative forum (such as online) for the event.[73]
In other cases, protests at US universities resulted in the cancellation of events focused on Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. On September 24, 2024, protesters disrupted a talk by Simcha Rothman, a far-right member of the Israeli Knesset, at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, forcing the talk to be moved to Zoom.[74]
Universities canceled similar events in Germany. On February 12, 2025, the Free University of Berlin (FU) cancelled a previously approved in-person, public lecture featuring Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967 and an international human rights lawyer, and Eyal Weizman, the director of the research agency Forensic Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London and a Professor of Spatial and Visual Cultures. The cancellation came following a negative media campaign and public pressure from German officials. Unspecified security concerns were one of the reasons the university gave for canceling the event.[75] On December 1, 2024, the University of Leipzig (UL) cancelled a previously approved lecture by Israeli historian Benny Morris, an emeritus professor of history at Ben Gurion University. Leading up to the event, multiple university groups, including Students for Palestine Leipzig, had called for the lecture to be cancelled, arguing that Morris has expressed racist views.[76]
In France, on November 20, 2024, Paris Institute of Political Studies (Sciences Po) administrators denied the use of a lecture hall for an event with Rima Hassan, a French-Palestinian member of France’s Parliament who is affiliated with the La France Insoumise (LFI) party, based on an unspecified “risk of public order disturbances.” The university had canceled Hassan’s lecture twice previously, claiming that they could not guarantee security. Hassan filed an interim relief application with the Paris Administrative Court to contest the university’s decision. The administrative court sided with Hassan and declared that the university must allow for the lecture to continue. The university appealed the decision and on November 22, the Conseil d’État, or Council of State, overturned the Paris Administrative Court’s ruling. The decision effectively affirmed the university’s cancellation.[77]
In India, on October 24, 2024, Jawaharlal Nehru University’s (JNU) Centre for West Asian Studies at the School of International Studies (SIS) canceled three seminars with the Iranian, Palestinian, and Lebanese ambassadors out of concerns that the talks would spark protest. Days later, on October 30, 2024, the university administration fired Sima Baidya, the seminar coordinator.[78]
Event cancellations were not limited to the topic of Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. In Italy, on November 26, 2024, an event focused on abortion was suspended after student protesters forcibly entered the room where it was being held, threw water on one of the attendees, unplugged the microphones, and turned off the lights.[79]
In India, on November 16, 2024, members of the Hindu nationalist group Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh disrupted the second day of the previously approved Udaipur Film Festival at Rabindranath Tagore Medical College. The group shouted insults and caused the university to cancel the remainder of the festival.[80]
In Singapore, in September 2024, the National University of Singapore (NUS) issued a guidance form requiring faculty members to evaluate prospective speakers’ risk for addressing politically controversial topics. The form instructed event organizers to “do a mandatory Google search to identify [prospective] speaker’s profile and look for any past controversies,” and to “rate them on a scale that determines whether they pose lower, moderate, or high risk of addressing “(potentially) controversial and/or sensitive topics for Singapore’s and/or the regional context.” Events deemed to be high risk required the “completion of admin formalities.” The guidance form did not define what constitutes risk, nor what kinds of administrative formalities must be completed for high-risk events.[81]
Higher education institutions have a responsibility to provide physical and intellectual spaces for structured discourse. While invited speakers may not have a right to the podium, once invited, they should not be censored or disciplined for their peaceful expression of views, even if controversial. This is especially true on matters which are novel, contested, or likely to trigger heightened interest or strong reactions.
Where necessary, universities have a responsibility to provide reasonable security arrangements for events on campus. Blanket policies which impose cost, scheduling, or other burdens on the peaceful exchange of information without any particularized assessment of risk fail to meet this responsibility. Such blanket policies threaten academic freedom and undermine free expression on campus and in the wider society by giving strength to the “heckler’s veto,” which allows behavior by a dissenter to shape the scope of inquiry and debate. Where a particularized assessment of risk has been made, the institution’s responsibility to ensure security must be harmonized with its responsibility to protect the free exchange of ideas. This includes exploring with organizers alternative locations, scheduling, admission controls, or, as a last resort, remote participation. In such cases of particularized risk, faculty, staff, students or other organizers of talks and events have a corresponding responsibility to consider such alternatives and to work with the institution to facilitate the exchange of ideas without incident. Cancellation of an academic exchange without exhausting such alternatives violates principles of shared governance and academic freedom.
Military Use and Armed Attacks on Higher Education Institutions
Among the cases SAR documents in the “other” category are those in which military, paramilitary, or organized criminal groups target, occupy, or use higher education facilities, often during armed conflict. This includes the use of higher education facilities as barracks, weapons caches, firing ranges, and interrogation and detention centers. Such uses can disrupt or completely impede education in the short term. They can also trigger attacks by opposing forces, which damage or destroy higher education infrastructure. During the current reporting period, SAR documented cases including the following:
Between September and early December 2024, Israel conducted airstrikes in Lebanon against targets allegedly affiliated with Hezbollah, a Shiite Islamist political party and paramilitary group, damaging multiple universities. In November, airstrikes hit the campuses of the Islamic University of Lebanon and the Rafik Hariri campus of Lebanese University, damaging several buildings.[82]
Russian drones struck Ukrainian universities on at least two different occasions. On November 14, 2024, Russian shelling struck the campus of Donbas State Pedagogical University, causing significant damage to the buildings.[83] On September 3, 2024, Russian drones struck Sumy State University (SumDU), causing extensive damage to the Mechanical Engineering building.[84]
On August 7, 2024, Myanmar’s military junta forces dropped leaflets about an impending military occupation on the campus of the University of Technology, prompting students and faculty members to flee. Afterwards, the junta forces set up camp at the university.[85]
In addition to violence related to armed conflict, unidentified assailants looted and vandalized university campuses. On July 23, 2024, amid an ongoing civil war, Rapid Support Forces (RSF) looted the University of Gezira in Sudan.[86]
In India, on October 28, 2024, unknown assailants planted a grenade at the main entrance of Ghanapriya Women’s College. The grenade was accompanied by a note reading, “Down with fascist education, glory to the proletarian students and free education movement.”[87]
In Greece, on November 8, 2024, several unidentified assailants broke windows and set fire to the administration building at the National Technical University of Athens’ Zografou Polytechnic campus, causing significant damage to the legal counsel’s office and the vice rector’s office. In a statement, the university’s rector suggested that the vandalism was likely linked to efforts to remove anarchist groups that had been occupying various areas of the campus.[88]
In Canada, a group of nearly 40 unidentified individuals smashed several windows in buildings located on McGill University’s campus on February 6, 2025. A university statement noted that the group smashed the windows of a total five university buildings, some of which were hosting night classes and exams. In addition, the words “free Palestine” were written in chalk at the entrance to the university.[89]
In Colombia, a group of unidentified hooded individuals vandalized building facades and detonated explosive devices at the University of Antioquia on September 13, 2024. The attack was reportedly carried out to protest the university’s budget deficit.[90]
In Indonesia and the Philippines, students and faculty members expressed concern over new policies allowing for an increased military presence on their campuses. In the Philippines, in August 2024, the University of the Philippines signed an agreement with the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) that established a “framework for cooperation” allowing for the AFP to more freely visit campus. The agreement altered a decades-long accord between the university and the government that prohibits police from entering campus without first coordinating with university authorities.[91] In Indonesia, after a new national military law was signed in April 2025 that allowed for an increased military presence in civilian spaces, students reported more frequent visits of military personnel to their campuses. The new law was signed at a time when students had been engaging in large scale protests against multiple government policies.[92]
As noted in the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, states and other parties must ensure that even in times of war, armed conflict, civil unrest, or emergency, academic freedom is respected. Doing so “requires scrupulous adherence to human rights and humanitarian law principles by all parties, including strict prohibition on the targeting of civilian objects, including schools, universities, and educational facilities under normal educational uses, as well as prohibition on any disproportionate harms to such facilities or personnel that might result from otherwise permissible military action.”[93] Moreover, to ensure that academic freedom is upheld, states must “refrain from militarization, surveillance, or other measures which undermine academic freedom and autonomy.”[94]
These “other” attacks are diverse in form and impact, but share with the five types described earlier an intent to punish or control expression and inquiry within the academic community. They have the potential to severely undermine the rights of individual scholars and students and, when targeting entire institutions, they can impede core higher education functions and erode the autonomy universities and colleges need to operate without the interference of political actors.
States, higher education leaders, and civil society should take steps to understand and prevent the range of attacks described here, including by publicly reporting and condemning such attacks and by promoting the importance of academic freedom and institutional autonomy.
[1] SAR AFMP, Columbia University, March 8, 2025 https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-08-columbia-university/; SAR AFMP, Georgetown University, March 17, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-17-georgetown-university/; SAR AFMP, Tufts University, March 26, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-26-tufts-university/; and SAR AFMP, Columbia University, April 14, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-14-columbia-university/.
[2] The use of less lethal weapons, including teargas and batons, while less dangerous than more lethal alternatives such as firearms, may nevertheless result in injuries and fatalities, especially when used improperly. See Office of the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Guidance on Less-Lethal Weapons in Law Enforcement, 2020, www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/CCPR/LLW_Guidance.pdf.
[3] SAR AFMP. Universidade Eduardo Mondlane. November 14, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-14-universidade-eduardo-mondlane/.
[4] SAR AFMP. Sri Venkateswara University. December 2, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-02-sri-venkateswara-university/.
[5] SAR AFMP. Sheikh Zayed University. December 1, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-01-sheikh-zayed-university/.
[6] SAR AFMP. Central University of Venezuela. November 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-15-central-university-of-venezuela/.
[7] SAR AFMP, National University of Quilmes, October 15, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-15-national-university-of-quilmes/; and SAR AFMP, National University of Cordoba, October 21, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-21-national-university-of-cordoba/.
[8] SAR AFMP. University of Buenos Aires. October 24, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-24-university-of-buenos-aires/.
[9] SAR AFMP. Saint-Laurent University Institute. November 2, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-02-saint-laurent-university-institute/.
[10] David Kaye, “Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom,” 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[11] When narrowly drafted, limited in use, and conscientiously applied through fair and transparent legal proceedings fully compliant with recognized human rights standards, such laws might still chill academic freedom, freedom of expression, and other rights in some contexts. In practice, however, such limits on state prosecution authority are rarely in place.
[12] SAR AFMP. Naresuan University. March 31, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-31-naresuan-university/.
[13] SAR AFMP. Aix Marseille University. October 19, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-19-aix-marseille-university/.
[14] Elias Ngalame, “Scores of students arrested ahead of Unity Day celebrations,” University World News, May 21, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250520091618859; and SAR AFMP, University of Bamenda, May 15, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-15-university-of-bamenda/.
[15] SAR. Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom. March 2024, p. 7. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[16] This presents significant challenges in reporting, given the need to look for evidence of pretext by examining the timing of the action, its context, any history or pattern of similar actions against the victim(s) or others, the fairness and transparency of any process leading to the action, and any available statements and supporting information from the parties involved, witnesses, and independent experts.
[17] SAR AFMP. Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani University. December 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-15-sayed-jamaluddin-afghani-university/.
[18] SAR AFMP. Muhlenberg College. September 26, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-26-muhlenberg-college-2/.
[19] SAR AFMP. Georgetown University. June 26, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-26-georgetown-university/.
[20] SAR AFMP. New College of Florida. March 12, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-12-new-college-of-florida/.
[21] SAR AFMP. Islamic University, Kushtia. October 23, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-23-islamic-university-kushtia/.
[22] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.4, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[23] Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) speaks directly to this issue, providing that the right to freedom of expression “shall include [the] freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers …”.
[24] Inside Higher Education. “International Student Visas Revoked,” Inside Higher Education, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/global/international-students-us/2025/04/07/where-students-have-had-their-visas-revoked; and Nahal Toosi, “Trump team pauses new student visa interviews as it weighs expanding social media vetting,” Politico, May 27, 2025, https://www.politico.com/news/2025/05/27/trump-team-orders-stop-to-new-student-visa-interviews-as-it-weighs-expanding-social-media-vetting-00370501.
[25] SAR AFMP. Columbia University. March 8, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-08-columbia-university/.
[26] Jonah E. Bromwich, “Justice Will Prevail,’ Mahmoud Khalil Says as He Goes Free on Bail,” New York Times, June 20, 2025, ‘ https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/20/nyregion/mahmoud-khalil-release-order.html.
[27] SAR AFMP. Georgetown University. March 17, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-17-georgetown-university/.
[28] SAR AFMP. Tufts University. March 26, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-26-tufts-university/.
[29] SAR AFMP. Columbia University. April 14, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-14-columbia-university/.
[30] SAR AFMP. French National Centre for Scientific Research. March 9, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-09-french-national-centre-for-scientific-research/.
[31] Jack Grove, “US conference boycott urged after French scientist deported,” Times Higher Education, March 21, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/us-conference-boycott-urged-after-french-scientist-deported; and Julie Hare and Ayesha de Kretser, “Trump crackdown forces academics to cancel US trips,” Financial Review, April 2, 2025, https://www.afr.com/policy/health-and-education/trump-crackdown-forces-academics-to-cancel-us-trips-20250319-p5lkpu.
[32] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.6, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[33] See Article 19 in “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” December 19, 1966, www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/ccpr.aspx.
[34] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.7, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[35] SAR AFMP. Debark University. December 19, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-19-debark-university/.
[36] SAR AFMP. École Supérieure Polytechnique d’Antananarivo. August 1, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-01-ecole-superieure-polytechnique-dantananarivo/.
[37] SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, March 20, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-20-middle-east-technical-university/; SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, March 21, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-21-middle-east-technical-university-hacettepe-university-bilkent-university/; and SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, March 27, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-27-middle-east-technical-university/.
[38] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. September 25, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-25-multiple-institutions/.
[39] SAR AFMP, Technical University of Kenya, February 25, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2-25-2025-technical-university-of-nairobi/; see also: SAR AFMP, Multimedia University of Kenya, September 17, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-9-17-multimedia-university-of-kenya/; and SAR AFMP, University of Nairobi, September 9, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-09-university-of-nairobi/.
[40] SAR AFMP. University of the Gambia. December 2, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-02-university-of-the-gambia/.
[41] SAR AFMP. William V.S. Tubman University. December 20, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-20-william-v-s-tubman-university/.
[42] SAR AFMP. University of Lille. February 12, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-12-university-of-lille/.
[43] SAR AFMP. University of the State of Rio de Janeiro. September 20, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-20-university-of-the-state-of-rio-de-janeiro/.
[44] The use of less-lethal weapons, including teargas and batons, while less dangerous than more lethal alternatives such as firearms, may nevertheless result in injuries and fatalities, especially when used improperly. See United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Guidance on Less-Lethal Weapons in Law Enforcement,” 2020, www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/CCPR/LLW_Guidance.pdf.
[45] SAR AFMP. Tulane University. March 19, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-19-tulane-university/.
[46] SAR AFMP. New York University. May 14, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-14-new-york-university/.
[47] SAR AFMP. Tata Institute of Social Sciences. September 29, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-29-tata-institute-of-social-sciences/.
[48] SAR AFMP. Airlangga University. October 24, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-24-airlangga-university/.
[49] See, for example, Bruce Robbins, “Time, Place, Manner,” The Nation, October 28, 2024, https://www.thenation.com/article/society/free-speech-politics-university-campus.
[50] Johanna Alonso, “Anticipating Fall Protests, Colleges Adopt a Range of Approaches,” Inside Higher Ed, August 16, 2024, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/free-speech/2024/08/16/how-universities-are-preparing-fall-protests; and Katherine Mangan, “New Rules and Familiar Challenges as Antiwar Protesters Return to Campuses: ‘The Stakes Are Extraordinarily High’,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 5, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/new-rules-and-familiar-challenges-as-antiwar-protesters-return-to-campuses-the-stakes-are-extraordinarily-high.
[51] Declan Bradley and Garrett Shanley, “We Looked at Dozens of Colleges’ New Protest Policies. Here’s What We Found,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 12, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/we-looked-at-dozens-of-colleges-new-protest-policies-heres-what-we-found; AAUP, “AAUP Condemns Wave of Administrative Policies Intended to Crack Down on Peaceful Campus Protest,” August 14, 2024, https://www.aaup.org/news/aaup-condemns-wave-administrative-policies-intended-crack-down-peaceful-campus-protest; and Lisa Tolin, “In Preparing for Protests, Are Campuses Going Too Far?”, Pen America, August 28, 2024, https://pen.org/in-preparing-for-protests-are-campuses-going-too-far/.
[52] Pallavi Smart, “TISS revises honour code: Bans participation in ‘anti-establishment’, ‘unpatriotic’ discussions, Indian Express, September 4, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/revised-honour-code-for-tiss-students-bans-unpatriotic-anti-establishment-discussions-9548808/.
[53] Musab Qazi, “Mumbai University Issues Circular Prohibiting Campus Protests Without Permission, Student Organisations Cry Foul,” The Free Press Journal, September 24, 2024, https://www.freepressjournal.in/education/mumbai-university-issues-circular-prohibiting-campus-protests-without-permission-student-organisations-cry-foul.
[54] Team Clarion, “Jamia Millia Students Up in Arms Over Ban on Protests, Sloganeering,” Clarion India, December 2, 2024. https://clarionindia.net/jamia-millia-students-up-in-arms-over-ban-on-protests-sloganeering/; and Tribune News Service, “Jamia Millia Islamia issues ban on protests sans prior approval,” The Tribune India, December 2, 2024, https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/delhi/jamia-millia-islamia-issues-ban-on-protests-sans-prior-approval/.
[55] India Today News Desk, “Telangana university bans protest on campus, BJP calls it ‘undeclared emergency’,” India Today, March 16, 2025, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/telangana-university-bans-protest-on-campus-bjp-calls-it-undeclared-emergency-2694175-2025-03-16.
[56] Aiman J. Chishti, “Panjab University Students Write to HC Chief Justice Against Mandatory Affidavit Imposing Restrictions on Campus Protests,” Live Law, June 21, 2025, https://www.livelaw.in/high-court/punjab-and-haryana-high-court/punjab-haryana-high-court-protection-of-life-paramount-irrespective-of-alleged-misrepresentation-of-girl-age-runaway-couple-297228.
[57] John Ross, “Protest restrictions upheld as universities put ‘safety’ first,” Times Higher Education, June 2, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/protest-restrictions-upheld-universities-put-safety-first.
[58] SAR AFMP. Various Institutions. July 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-15-various/.
[59] SAR AFMP. University of Toulouse Jean Jaures. February 11, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-11-university-of-toulouse-jean-jaures/.
[60] SAR AFMP. Sapienza University of Rome. November 21, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-21-sapienza-university-of-rome/.
[61] SAR AFMP. National University of La Plata. October 4, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-04-national-university-of-la-plata/.
[62] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.7, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[63] SAR AFMP, multiple Institutions, April 4, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-04-multiple-institutions/; and SAR AFMP, multiple Institutions, March 28, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-28-multiple-institutions/.
[64] AFP and Times of Israel Staff, “Ministers threaten to revoke funding for universities where students hold ‘Nakba’ memorials,” Times of Israel, May 31, 2025, https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/ministers-threaten-to-revoke-funding-for-universities-where-students-hold-nakba-memorials/; and United Nations, UN marks 75 years since displacement of 700,000 Palestinians, May 15, 2023, https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/05/1136662.
[65] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. December 2, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-02-multiple-institutions/.
[66] Politiko, “Draft Law “On Science and Scientific Research”/ VOA: Contradicts the Constitution and violates academic freedom,” Politiko, October 13, 2024, https://politiko.al/english/e-tjera/projektligji-per-shkencen-dhe-kerkimin-shkencor-voa-bie-ndesh-me-kushtet-i516825; and Politiko, “Even scientific research under Rama’s control replaces academics with ministers,” Politiko, October 2, 2024, https://politiko.al/english/e-tjera/edhe-kerkimi-shkencor-nen-kontrollin-e-rames-zevendeson-akademiket-me-mi-i515987.
[67] Emily Dixon, “Scientists fear creeping political influence over Polish academy,” Times Higher Education, July 26, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/scientists-fear-creeping-political-influence-over-polish-academy.
[68] Suvendrini Kakuchi, “Opposition builds against national science council reforms,” University World News, March 17, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250317175736598.
[69] Ameen Amjad Khan, “Protests over provincial law allowing bureaucrats to be VCs,” University World News, February 7, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250207121702595.
[70] Juliette Rowsell, “Israeli research increasingly isolated one year into Gaza war,” Times Higher Education, September 24, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/israeli-research-increasingly-isolated-one-year-gaza-war.
[71] Dave Matthews, “Horizon Europe expulsion ‘almost a death sentence for Israeli science’,” Science|Business, May 29, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/international-news/horizon-europe-expulsion-almost-death-sentence-israeli-science; and Juliette Portala, “Pressure grows for review of EU science cooperation with Israel,” May 15, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/international-news/pressure-grows-review-eu-science-cooperation-israel.
[72] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, pp. 3-5, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[73] SAR AFMP. Notre Dame University. April 5, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-05-notre-dame-university/.
[74] SAR AFMP. University of California Berkeley. September 24, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-24-university-of-california-berkeley/.
[75] SAR AFMP. Free University of Berlin. February 12, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-12-free-university-of-berlin/.
[76] SAR AFMP. University of Leipzig. December 1, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-01-university-of-leipzig/.
[77] SAR AFMP. Paris Institute of Political Studies. November 20, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-20-paris-institute-of-political-studies/.
[78] SAR AFMP. Jawaharlal Nehru University. October 24, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-24-jawaharlal-nehru-university/.
[79] SAR AFMP. University of Milan. November 26, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-26-university-of-milan/.
[80] SAR AFMP. Rabindranath Tagore Medical College. November 16, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-16-rabindranath-tagore-medical-college/.
[81] SAR AFMP. National University of Singapore. September 1, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-01-national-university-of-singapore/.
[82] SAR AFMP, Islamic University of Lebanon. November 25, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-25-islamic-university-of-lebanon/; and SAR AFMP, Lebanese University, November 8, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-08-lebanese-university-rafik-hariri/.
[83] SAR AFMP. Donbas State Pedagogical University. November 14, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-14-donbas-state-pedagogical-university/.
[84] SAR AFMP. Sumy State University, September 3, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-03-sumy-state-university/.
[85] SAR AFMP. University of Technology. September 25, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-25-university-of-technology-yatanarpon-cyber-city/.
[86] SAR AFMP. University of Gezira. July 23, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-23-university-of-gezira/.
[87] SAR AFMP. Ghanapriya Womens College. October 28, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-28-ghanapriya-womens-college/.
[88] SAR AFMP. National Technical University of Athens. November 8, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-08-national-technical-university-of-athens-zografou-polytechnic/.
[89] SAR AFMP. McGill University. February 6, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-06-mcgill-university/.
[90] SAR AFMP. University of Antiioquia. September 13, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-13-university-of-antioquia/.
[91] Cristina Chi, “UP faculty dread increased military presence after AFP agreement,” Phil Star, August 14, 2024, https://www.philstar.com/headlines/2024/08/14/2377836/faculty-dread-increased-military-presence-after-afp-agreement/amp.
[92] Kafil Yamin, “Students alarmed, feel ‘threatened’ by army’s campus visits,” University World News, May 2, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250502090801191.
[93] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.3, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
[94] SAR, Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom, March 2024, p.3, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Principles-for-Implementing-the-Right-to-Academic-Freedom_FINAL.pdf.
Through the Scholars in Prison program, Scholars at Risk advocates for the freedom of wrongfully imprisoned scholars and students and for their humane treatment in accordance with international law. Photo: Alamy
Scholars in Prison
SAR’s Scholars in Prison Project directs advocacy efforts on behalf of wrongfully imprisoned and prosecuted scholars and students. Its goals are to garner public support within and outside the higher education community; to urge state authorities to uphold legal obligations related to humane treatment and due process; to ensure that those imprisoned know they are not forgotten, and that they have support from an international community of colleagues and friends; and, ultimately, to secure their release. With coordination from SAR’s Student Advocacy Seminars and Academic Freedom Legal Clinics, SAR sections, and partner organizations, SAR can advocate on behalf of imprisoned scholars through several different channels, including, but not limited to, raising cases with responsible governments and other international stakeholders, issuing public letters of appeal and statements, organizing social media campaigns, and building awareness through the press. Through the Scholars in Prison program, SAR invites everyone to join in advocating on behalf of wrongfully imprisoned scholars and students.
Over the past year, SAR has publicly supported the imprisoned scholars and students listed below. Collectively, these individuals—imprisoned for their peaceful academic and expressive activities and associations—are subjected to judicial harassment; unfair or inadequate legal proceedings; lengthy pretrial detention and/or sentences; abuse and torture in custody; denial of access to legal counsel, appropriate medical care, or family; and other forms of mistreatment. While these conditions and practices cause serious physical and psychological damage to the imprisoned students, scholars, and their family members, the effects go beyond those directly targeted. Their academic peers and colleagues also are put on high alert, sending a damaging message to the wider higher education community and society at large that expressing ideas or raising questions can have dire consequences.
Bahruz Samadov
Political Science | Azerbaijan

Bahruz Samadov is an Azerbaijani PhD student in the political science department at Charles University of Prague and a freelance political analyst. On the evening of August 21, 2024, Azerbaijani security forces entered Mr. Samadov’s grandmother’s house, where he was staying while on summer break from university, and arrested him. Three days later, the Baku court charged him with “high treason” under Article 274 of Azerbaijan’s Criminal Code, alleging that he provided sensitive information to Armenia. Human rights organizations suggest that these charges stem from Mr. Samadov’s research on the use of military forces in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict—a decades long, entrenched conflict between Azerbaijan, Armenia, and the self-declared Armenian breakaway state of Artsakh—and connections with Armenian activists. On December 19, the Baku Sabail District Court extended Mr. Samadov’s initial four-month pretrial detention by another four months. On January 22, 2025, the court denied his petition to be moved to house arrest. In a closed-door trial on June 23, 2025, the court sentenced Mr. Samadov to 15 years in prison for “high treason.”
Iqbal Abilov
History and Ethnography | Azerbaijan

Igbal Abilov is a scholar and lecturer at Belarusian State University who specializes in history and ethnography, with a focus on ethnic minorities of the South Caucasus, Türkiye, and Iran. Mr. Abilov is an ethnic Talysh and a member of the Talysh National Academy, a consortium of academics who study the Talysh Indigenous group. At the time of his arrest, he was conducting research into the history and culture of the Talysh people. On June 22, 2024, Azerbaijani security forces detained and questioned Mr. Abilov while he was visiting Azerbaijan for a wedding; he was released later that day. On June 27, Azerbaijani security officials prevented Mr. Abilov from boarding a flight back to Belarus and confiscated his passport and phones. On July 22, security forces summoned Mr. Abilov to a local police station, purportedly to retrieve his personal items, but when he arrived, the authorities arrested him. Two days later, the Sabail District Court of Baku charged Mr. Abilov with “high treason,” “foreign-agent-instructed public appeals against state,” and “incitement of ethnic hatred.” According to a pro-government media outlet, the basis for these charges included alleged actions on behalf of Armenia’s national security services, including communications with Professor Garnik Asatryan, an Armenian professor specializing in Iranistics and Kurdology. Mr. Abilov’s lawyer has stated that Mr. Abilov had been in touch with Professor Asatryan for academic reasons only. The court prohibited him and his lawyer from sharing any documents associated with the case, including with his relatives. On February 26, 2025, the Lankaran Serious Crimes Court began virtual hearings. Mr. Abilov’s lawyer requested an open hearing and home detention; the court denied both requests. On May 20, the court found Mr. Abilov guilty of treason and sentenced him to 18 years in prison.
Abduljalil Al-Singace
Mechanical Engineering | Bahrain

Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace, a Bahraini scholar and a retired professor of mechanical engineering at the University of Bahrain, is serving a life sentence in connection with his pro-democracy and human rights activism. On March 17, 2011, authorities arrested Dr. Al-Singace from his home and took him to a police station where they allegedly beat and threatened him. He was held incommunicado until June 22, 2011, when a military court sentenced him to life in prison on charges of “plotting to overthrow the government.” Since his arrest, Dr. Al-Singace has been subjected to mistreatment and torture, which have worsened his pre-existing health conditions, including post-polio syndrome, and caused new medical issues, including musculoskeletal issues, sickle cell disease, severe dehydration, fainting, shoulder infection, and two ruptured eardrums.
On July 8, 2021, Dr. Al-Singace began a hunger strike to protest his ill treatment and to demand that the prison return to his family his confiscated manuscript on Bahraini dialects of Arabic, which he spent four years researching and writing. Since then, Dr. Al-Singace’s health has rapidly deteriorated. UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders Mary Lawlor expressed concern that “Mr Al-Singace is unable to walk or exercise properly because of his physical impairment(s) which deteriorated in detention. […] The treatments that are necessary to alleviate his condition have been repeatedly denied.”[1] For the past four years, Dr. Al-Singace has remained on a liquid-only hunger strike, sustaining himself only on multivitamin liquid supplements, tea with milk and sugar, water, and salts. Dr. Al-Singace continues to be held in prolonged solitary confinement within his room in Kanoo Medical Centre. He has been prohibited from going outside, having exposure to direct sunlight, and receiving the physiotherapy he requires for his disability. Dr. Al Singace’s family continues to report that authorities deny him access to appropriate medical care, severely limit his access to visits and video calls with his family, and restrict access to religious programs and books.
Marfa Rabkova
International Law and European Union Law | Belarus

Marfa Rabkova, a third-year student at the International Law and European Union Law program at European Humanities University (EHU), Lithuania, has been imprisoned in Belarus since September 17, 2020. In addition to her studies at EHU, at the time of her arrest Ms. Rabkova was the coordinator of the Volunteer Service at Human Rights Center Viasna. In that capacity, she monitored the nationwide 2020 protests calling for President Lukashenko’s resignation after claims of a fraudulent election spread. Shortly thereafter, officers from the Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime and Corruption (GUBOPiK) arrested Ms. Rabkova and her husband and searched the couple’s home, seizing their personal belongings. Ms. Rabkova’s husband was later released. Ms. Rabkova has been in custody in Minsk Detention Center No. 1 ever since. Authorities extended Ms. Rabkova’s pretrial detention multiple times and indicted her on several charges. On September 6, 2022, the Minsk city court sentenced Ms. Rabkova to 15 years in prison on 13 charges, including “participating in a criminal organization” and “inciting racial, national, religious or other social hostility by a group of individuals.” The trial was closed to the public and took place over four months. On February 28, 2023, the Supreme Court of Belarus considered an appeal for Rabkova and ruled her sentence be reduced by three months from 15 years to 14 years and nine months. In November 2024, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention called on the Belarusian authorities to immediately release Ms. Rabkova and provide her with compensation for arbitrary detention.[2]
Ilham Tohti
Economics | China
Professor Tohti, an economics professor and public intellectual, promoted open dialogue between Uyghur and Han Chinese individuals through his website, Uyghur Online or Uighurbiz. net, and through research proposals to the Chinese government. He has also been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize several times, including for the 2025 prize, and was awarded the European Parliament’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought in 2019.[3] On January 15, 2014, police raided Professor Tohti’s home, seized his personal belongings, and arrested him. In September 2014, the Urumqi Intermediate Court convicted him of separatism and sentenced him to life imprisonment. The charge apparently stemmed from his academic work and expression, as Chinese authorities have not publicly disclosed any evidence against Professor Tohti beyond his articles, interviews, and lectures. Prison authorities have denied him access to family visits and, since 2017, they have not disclosed Professor Tohti’s whereabouts or well-being. In October 2024, the European Parliament passed a resolution on human rights in China, calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Professor Tohti and others arbitrarily detained in the country.[4]
Professor Tohti’s daughter, Jewher Ilham, co-produced the 2023 documentary film All Static & Noise, aimed at bringing attention to her father’s imprisonment and the experiences of Uyghur “re-education camp” survivors and their families in Türkiye, Kazakhstan, Europe, and the United States.[5]
Rahile Dawut
Uyghur Studies and Folklore | China

Professor Rahile Dawut, a world-renowned scholar of Uyghur studies, folklore, and traditions, and professor at Xinjiang University in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), disappeared in China in December 2017. More than three years after her imprisonment, it was revealed that she had been sentenced and imprisoned, and on September 21, 2023, it was confirmed that she was given a life sentence in prison for “endangering state security.” Her sentence includes the deprivation of political rights for life. State authorities have not provided information regarding Professor Dawut’s health, her ability to connect with family members, or her whereabouts. SAR awarded Professor Dawut the 2020 Courage to Think Award for her own work on Uyghur folklore, as well as on behalf of all the scholars and students of the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, who together struggle for academic freedom and freedom of opinion, expression, belief, association, and movement. Professor Dawut’s daughter accepted the award on their behalf.
Imprisoned Uyghur Scholars & Students
Various Fields | China

Since 2017, Uyghur scholars and students in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) have been reported missing or detained, including at so-called “re-education camps.” Geography scholar Tashpolat Tiyip and literary scholar Abdulqadir Jalaleddin are among those detained. Their detentions appear connected to a campaign by Chinese authorities targeting ethnic and religious minority communities. Human rights organizations have found that Uyghurs are the most jailed minority group globally.[6] Human rights groups have reported that detainees are subjected to physical and psychological abuse, including beatings, solitary confinement, and sexual harassment. They are also forced to recite anthems of the Chinese Communist Party, attend indoctrination classes, and eat pork and drink alcohol in contravention of their religious beliefs. A large number of detainees have also reportedly been transferred from the camps and forced to work in factories across China, where they experience similar mistreatment. While an official accounting of detainees is unavailable, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) cited in its August 2018 report estimates ranging from “tens of thousands to upwards of a million.”
Authorities have not disclosed the whereabouts or well-being of the scholars, students, and other detainees and have reportedly prosecuted detainees through closed-door trials, during which detainees have been denied access to legal counsel. According to a German media report, some detainees were forced to pick their own infractions from a list they were handed by the court—in essence, the detainees had to retroactively choose the crimes for which they had been imprisoned.[7] On August 31, 2022, the UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner published a report that said the detentions in the XUAR “may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity.”[8]
Ahmadreza Djalali
Disaster Medicine | Iran

Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, a scholar of disaster medicine, was arrested while visiting Iran to participate in a series of academic workshops. In October 2017, after more than 17 months in jail, Dr. Djalali was convicted and sentenced to death for “corruption on earth,” a charge that appears to relate to his ties to the international academic community. Dr. Djalali has spent significant lengths of time in solitary confinement while awaiting the execution of his sentence, during which his health has significantly deteriorated. In May 2022, Iranian authorities began threatening to carry out Dr. Djalali’s execution. He exhausted all potential appellate options to appeal his case in August 2023, leaving no further recourse and escalating the threat of execution. Dr. Djalali continues to be denied access to his lawyer and his family in Iran, calls to his wife and children in Sweden, and the medical care that he urgently needs. In June 2024, Dr. Djalali undertook a week-long hunger strike to protest a prisoner swap negotiated between Sweden and Iran that did not include him. His family reported that he was suffering from “severe” weakness, heart and blood-pressure issues, and “severe stomach problems” worsened by a previous hunger strike. In March 2025, Sweden’s foreign ministry summoned Iran’s ambassador and demanded the immediate release of Dr. Djalali, citing serious concerns about his worsening health.[9] Two months later, on May 8, Dr. Dajalali suffered a heart attack and prison authorities refused him medical support. In June, a group of UN Special Rapporteurs and country experts issued a statement of concern for his well-being. They wrote, “We have reminded Iran of their obligations to treat Mr. Djalali in line with human rights standards. The Iranian authorities are ultimately responsible for providing humane conditions of detention and healthcare of the same standard as those available to Iranians in the community.”[10]
On June 23, 2025, during the nearly two-week period of fighting between Israel and Iran, Israeli forces conducted a missile strike on Evin Prison, including the wing where Dr. Djalali was being held. Shortly after the attack, prison authorities moved Dr. Djalali and other prisoners to an undisclosed area, a move that human rights authorities worried signaled impending execution. At the time of writing this report, Dr. Djalali’s location still remains undisclosed.
In April 2025, SAR conducted a series of interviews with Dr. Djalali’s wife and daughter about Dr. Djalali’s life and role as a husband and father. The excerpts from those conversations, which have been edited for length and clarity, can be read here.
Nasser bin Ghaith
Economics | United Arab Emirates
Dr. Nasser bin Ghaith is an economist, former lecturer at the University of Paris IV Abu Dhabi, and prominent human rights defender who was arrested in 2015. Dr. bin Ghaith was initially convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison in 2017 on charges stemming from a series of tweets in which he criticized the UAE government’s human rights record. Since his imprisonment, Dr. bin Ghaith has undertaken several hunger strikes to protest his sentence, ill-treatment, and torture in prison. Despite drastically worsening health, Dr. bin Ghaith reports that he has been denied medical care, including much-needed blood pressure medication.
On January 6, 2024, the UAE’s state-run news agency announced new charges connected to the Justice and Dignity Committee, which defenders claim is a cultural and educational group but which the government considers a terrorist organization.[11] The announcement said that Dr. bin Ghaith would be tried along with 83 other defendants, many already prisoners of conscience, in the UAE’s second largest mass political trial, which human rights defenders have called the “UAE84” trial. While no information about the trial was publicly available, human rights experts believe that Dr. bin Ghaith and the others were charged under Federal Law No. 7 of 2014 on Combating Terrorist Offences, which allows for the death penalty or life imprisonment. During the trial, no new evidence supporting the charges was provided; the prosecutor used evidence based solely on the July 2013 UAE94 trial, a mass trial of 69 government critics that was condemned for its many due process violations.[12] On July 10, 2024, the Abu Dhabi Federal Appeals Court convicted Dr. bin Ghaith, along with 40 other defendants in the mass trial. The sentences ranged from 10 years to life in prison, with Dr. bin Ghaith receiving the maximum sentence for “establishing and managing a clandestine terrorist organisation.” On March 4, 2025, an Emirati court rejected Dr. bin Ghaith’s appeal, as well as the appeals of the other 84 defendants. The decision is final and cannot be further appealed. Human rights organizations raised concerns about the lack of due process during the trial; it has been reported that Emirati officials had coerced defendants into giving false statements and that their lawyers were prevented from accessing case files and court documents.
In Memoriam: Gokarakonda Naga Saibaba
English Literature | India

SAR was saddened to learn that on October 12, 2024, Professor Gokarakonda Naga Saibaba, an English literature professor, died from medical complications after a gall-bladder surgery. Prior to his passing, Professor Saibaba had been acquitted and released from prison where he had been held since 2014 in apparent connection to his activism on behalf of vulnerable groups in India, such as tribal groups who suffer from poverty and human rights violations due to the prolonged conflict between India and the separatist Communist Party of India (Maoist). Professor Saibaba suffered from severe health conditions, including post-polio syndrome and a heart condition, which only worsened during his time in prison. His tireless advocacy for vulnerable groups in India, despite facing violations to his academic freedom, must never be forgotten.
For years, SAR partnered with colleagues across the globe, including our Student Advocacy Seminars, to raise awareness about Professor Saibaba’s plight and to seek his release. Following that release, Professor Saibaba made time to share his story with the international community, noting that his own freedom did not mean the campaign for academic freedom in India was over. He urged global civil society and the academic community to continue telling his story to others as a means of demonstrating the reality detained scholars face in India, and urged all scholars to keep working and questioning.
[1] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Bahrain: UN expert alarmed by health of human rights defenders in prison. September 15, 2023. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/09/bahrain-un-expert-alarmed-health-human-rights-defenders-prison.
[2] United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. Opinion No. 54/2024 concerning Maria Rabkova (Belarus). A/HRC/WGAD/2024/54. March 18, 2025. https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/detention-wg/opinions/session101/a-hrc-wgad-2024-54-belarus-aev.pdf; and Viasna, “’The case requires urgent attention.’” The UN recognized Marfa Rabkova’s imprisonment as arbitrary and called for her release,” Viasna, March 19, 2025, https://spring96.org/en/news/117635.
[3] European Parliament. Ilham Tohti wins 2019 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. October 24, 2019. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/eu-affairs/20191018STO64607/ilham-tohti-wins-2019-sakharov-prize-for-freedom-of-thought.
[4] European Parliament. Human rights breaches in Türkiye, China and Iraq. October 10, 2024. https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20241003IPR24422/human-rights-breaches-in-turkiye-china-and-iraq.
[5] Jewher Ilham and Janice Englehart. “All Static & Noise.” 2023. https://www.allstaticandnoise.com/.
[6] Ruth Ingram. “Uyghurs in China: The Most Heavily Jailed Group in the World.” Uyghur Human Rights Project, June 28, 2024, https://uhrp.org/news/uyghurs-in-china-the-most-heavily-jailed-group-in-the-world/.
[7] Julia Bayer, Cherie Chan, and Naomi Conrad, “Exclusive: China’s sham trials for detained Uighurs,” Deutsche Welle, June 8, 2020, https://www.dw.com/en/china-convicts-uighurs-in-sham-trials-at-xinjiang-camps/a-53699982.
[8] UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. OHCHR Assessment of human rights concerns in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, People’s Republic of China. August 31, 2022. www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ohchr-assessment-human-rights-concerns-xinjiang-uyghur-autonomous-region.
[9] Iran International, “Sweden summons Iran’s ambassador to seek release of dual national,” Iran International, March 7, 2025, https://www.iranintl.com/en/202503073617.
[10] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Detention taking its toll on hostage Ahmadreza Djalali: UN experts call on Iran to release him without delay. June 25, 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/06/detention-taking-its-toll-hostage-ahmadreza-djalali-un-experts-call-iran.
[11] According to Amnesty International, the Justice and Dignity Committee is “a branch of the al-Islah movement, which is considered to be the Emirati version of the Muslim Brotherhood group.” The Committee’s goals included rais[ing] society’s awareness of its rights,” “publish[ing] articles about those rights,” and “work[ing] to communicate with international rights organizations.” Amnesty International, UAE: Authorities “make mockery of justice” with mass trial of dissidents already behind bars, February 5, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/02/uae-authorities-make-mockery-of-justice-with-mass-trial-of-dissidents-already-behind-bars/.
[12] Human Rights Watch. UAE: Unfair Trial, Unjust Sentences. July 3, 2013. https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/07/03/uae-unfair-trial-unjust-sentences.
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Students march against government corruption in Belgrade, Serbia on January 10, 2025, as part of a nationwide, student-led movement against democratic backsliding in Serbia Photo: AP Newsroom
Regional Pressures on Higher Education Communities
Attacks on higher education communities occur across the globe. They violate the rights of those targeted and have the potential to limit academic freedom and the right to education for large numbers of scholars and students at higher education institutions worldwide. Countries and territories suffering from heightened attacks and pressures warrant the attention of the international community.
In this edition of Free to Think, Scholars at Risk (SAR) reported 395 attacks on higher education communities in 49 countries and territories from July 1, 2024, to June 30, 2025. In this section, SAR examines diverse country-level developments and trends from this reporting period. These include patterns of attacks found in SAR’s Monitoring Project data, such as arrests and disciplinary actions targeting scholars or repeated violations of students’ right to peacefully assemble and express themselves. They also include particular events, novel pressures, or under-discussed phenomena that threaten academic freedom and related values for entire higher education communities, such as restrictive legislative and administrative actions and threats to university governance.
Given resource constraints and challenges in gathering and verifying information, this report features only a representative and illustrative sample of the global state of attacks on higher education. Countries and territories not highlighted in Free to Think 2025 are not necessarily free of attacks on higher education communities or restraints on academic freedom, and countries highlighted in previous years but not included here have not necessarily seen improved conditions. Rather, decisions about highlighting the countries that follow were based on factors including severity of attacks during the current reporting period, diversity of geography, political systems, and forms of attacks on higher education.
Readers interested in learning more about attacks on higher education and academic freedom conditions around the world are encouraged to review national-level incident data on SAR’s website and country-level expert assessments in the Academic Freedom Index, a tool co-developed by the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi), the Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (FAU), the V-Dem Institute, and SAR.[1] SAR invites readers to contribute information on attacks on higher education communities wherever and whenever they occur. By building a more comprehensive dataset, SAR can more effectively expose this global phenomenon and work with governments, higher education communities, and civil society to protect higher education from attack and to promote academic freedom, institutional autonomy, and related higher education values.
Afghanistan
At the start of the reporting period, academic freedom was already “completely restricted” in Afghanistan, according to the AFi. Even so, the Taliban government took new actions to exert ideological control over the higher education system and to undermine women’s right to education.

Figure 2: According to AFi, academic freedom declined significantly in Afghanistan from 2023 to 2024. The Index rated Afghanistan as “completely restricted” (0.08) with respect to academic freedom.

Figure 3: According to the AFi, since the Taliban took control of Afghanistan’s government in 2021, academic freedom has declined most significantly with respect to institutional autonomy and the freedom of academic and cultural expression.
The Taliban government took measures to silence opposition voices within Afghanistan’s universities and to impose ideological conformity. These included beating and detaining vocal scholars. For instance, on December 1, 2024, after Hassamuddin Rahimzai, a professor in the Faculty of Islamic Jurisprudence at Sheikh Zayed University, objected to the process for evaluating existing faculty members, Taliban guards beat him so severely that he lost consciousness. According to reports, the evaluation was part of an effort by the Taliban to replace existing faculty members with madrasa graduates who were ideologically aligned with the group. Rahimzai was then detained in the Khost governor’s detention facility, where he was reportedly also tortured.[2]
Also in December 2024, the Taliban forced 12 professors to resign from their positions at Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani University in Kunar province after they expressed ideological disagreement with the Taliban.[3] An anonymous commentary by an Afghan scholar based in Afghanistan published by Times Higher Education around the same time indicated that the Taliban was expanding its authority over decisions about faculty employment. According to the author, the Taliban had recently announced that university lecturers were barred from traveling abroad for education or training without written permission from the office of the supreme leader, Mullah Haibatullah.[4]
In April and May 2025, media reports indicated that the Taliban government was continuing to purge public university faculty and staff on gender, ethnic, and ideological grounds. The stated justification for the firings was a 14 percent reduction in staff employed under the Ministry of Higher Education, mirroring staffing reductions taking place across the Afghan government more broadly. However, there were widespread reports that those fired were disproportionately women and ethnic and religious minorities.[5] For example, on May 11, 2025, it was reported that the Taliban’s Ministry of Higher Education had dismissed more than 50 faculty and staff members from Bamiyan University. Most of those dismissed were reportedly from the minority Hazara ethnic group.[6] Likewise, on May 13, 2025, around 120 faculty and staff members were dismissed from Sheikh Zayed University. Most were either affiliated with the former US-backed Afghan government or had clashed ideologically with the Taliban.[7]
In addition, the Taliban further limited educational opportunities available to women. On December 3, 2024, a ban on women’s access to medical education went into effect. Training as midwives and nurses had been the last higher educational option after the Taliban banned women from all other forms of higher education in December 2022.[8] At the time of the 2024 ban, around 35,000 women studied at public and private Afghan health institutes, according to the Ministry of Health.[9] Global rights groups decried the ban and its anticipated impact on women’s health. For example, Human Rights Watch warned that it would “result in unnecessary pain, misery, sickness, and death for the women forced to go without health care, as there won’t be female healthcare workers to treat them.”[10]
In addition, following the inauguration of US President Donald Trump and the new US administration’s actions to reduce spending (described in more detail in the US section below), Afghan women who sought educational opportunities outside of the country found their US-supported programs cut. In late February 2025, more than 80 Afghan women studying science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) in Oman on scholarships supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) were told that their funding had been terminated and that they would need to return to Afghanistan within two weeks.[11] USAID later told the women that their funding would be extended to June 20, 2025. However, on April 5, the agency backtracked, informing the students that their scholarships would end immediately. The withdrawal of funding left them unable to complete their degrees and without legal status in Qatar.[12]
Amid confusion over the US government’s spending cuts, some programs aimed at supporting Afghan women’s education and other scholarships for Afghan students were suspended—either temporarily or permanently.[13] The American University of Afghanistan (AUAF), which was exiled to Qatar when the Taliban took control of the Afghan government in August 2021, announced in February that it had decided to suspend its Spring 2025 semester.[14] The university later announced that the semester would start after Nowruz, the Persian new year (which is widely celebrated among many Afghans).[15] In early February 2025, the US government suspended its support for the Asian University for Women in Bangladesh, which has offered educational opportunities to hundreds of Afghan women since 2021. The decision affected around 330 students who had been scheduled to arrive at the university during the following weeks.[16]
Azerbaijan
For the past decade, academic freedom has been severely restricted in Azerbaijan, with higher education systems having very little autonomy.[17] In 2024, Azerbaijan’s government further cracked down on dissent as it prepared to host the COP29 climate conference.[18] According to the AFi, the space for academic and cultural expression shrank considerably, reflecting in part the high profile arrests of several academics.[19]

Figure 4: In 2024, the AFi rated Azerbaijan as “completely restricted” in terms of academic freedom (0.16), putting it in the bottom 20 percent of all countries with respect to academic freedom.

Figure 5: According to the AFi, the freedom of academic and cultural expression declined considerably from 2023 to 2024.
On July 27, 2024, Azerbaijan’s intelligence service arrested Igbal Abilov, an ethnic Talysh scholar born in Azerbaijan who is a researcher and lecturer at Belarusian State University and expert on ethnic minorities in the South Caucasus, Türkiye, and Iran. At the time of his arrest, he was boarding a flight back to Belarus after attending a wedding in Azerbaijan. Authorities charged Abilov with “high treason,” “foreign-agent-instructed public appeals against state,” and “incitement of ethnic hatred” for allegedly “organising activities” against Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity, “attracting disruptive forces from different countries,” and “taking action aimed at creating hatred and enmity on ethnic grounds.” These charges were apparently based on a conversation that he had with an Armenian scholar related to an academic report he was writing on the region’s Talysh community. Abilov’s family and lawyer have denied all charges. In May 2025, the Lankaran Serious Crimes Court found Abilov guilty and sentenced him to 18 years in prison.[20]
In a similar case, on August 21, 2024, Azerbaijan’s intelligence forces arrested Bahruz Samadov, a doctoral student in political science at Charles University of Prague and a freelance political analyst. Samadov’s prior writing had criticized Azerbaijan’s military offenses in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The police who arrested Samadov informed his grandmother, with whom he was staying while on break from his studies, that he was being arrested for suspected illegal drug activities, an accusation that authorities have used to silence critics of the government over the years, according to rights groups.[21] Three days later, the Baku court updated Samadov’s charges to “high treason,” accusing him of providing sensitive information to Armenia. Human rights organizations have suggested that these charges stem from Samadov’s research on the use of military forces in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.[22] Samadov’s family and lawyer deny all charges. In a closed-door trial on June 23, 2025, the court sentenced Samadov to 15 years in prison for “high treason.”[23]
Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, nationwide student protests that broke out in July 2024 had a dramatic effect on the higher education landscape. Bangladesh’s government met the protests with what the United Nations Office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights called “brutal, systematic repression,” leading to thousands of injuries and deaths of up to 1,400 people between July 15 and August 5, 2024. The UN attributed much of the violence to gunshot wounds by Bangladesh’s security forces. While university students led the protests, it was not clear what percentage of those killed were students.[24] Despite the violent landscape, the AFi found that academic freedom improved slightly in Bangladesh in comparison to previous years, although university autonomy did not improve and freedom of academic exchange decreased, reflecting a mixed picture overall.

Figure 6: While in 2024 the AFi rated Bangladesh as “severely restricted” (0.21) with respect to academic freedom, its score was slightly higher than in 2023.

Figure 7: Academic freedom increased in Bangladesh primarily with respect to campus integrity.
The spark for the protests was a June 2024 ruling by Bangladesh’s high court, which reinstated a quota system for government jobs. Prior to 2018, over 50 percent of government jobs were reserved for particular groups, including 30 percent which were reserved for descendants of those who had fought in the country’s 1971 War of Independence from Pakistan. In 2018, students mobilized against the quota system, leading to its abolition. In June 2024, however, the high court ruled that the cancellation of the quota system was illegal, prompting new nationwide protests led by university students.[25]
The protests were initially peaceful. On July 14, however, Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh’s prime minister at the time, publicly called the protesters “razakars,” a slur used for those who collaborated with Pakistan’s army during the 1971 independence war (roughly equivalent to “traitors”).[26] Her comments appeared to embolden the pro-government Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) – the student wing of the Awami League, which on July 15 began attacking antiquota student protesters at and around Dhaka University. (As consistently documented in SAR’s AFMP, the BCL has been responsible for much of the violence on university campuses in Bangladesh.[27] To a large extent this violence has occurred with impunity.[28]) Police aided the BCL, firing teargas and rubber bullets to disperse the protesters. Over 100 students were injured.[29] Later that evening, BCL members attacked a group of students demonstrating at Jahangirnagar University, also in Dhaka. Around 70 students were injured.[30] In response, Bangladesh’s University Grants Commission closed all of the country’s public and private universities and colleges.[31]
In the days that followed, protests continued, and violence escalated. According to an Amnesty International analysis, police used unlawful force against student protesters.[32] At least six students were killed.[33] Among these was Abu Sayed, a student and antiquota movement organizer studying English at Begum Rokeya University. On July 16, at least two police officers fired at Sayed from close range using birdshot—an extremely dangerous and inaccurate form of ammunition designed for hunting—despite the fact that “Sayed posed no apparent physical threat.”[34] Two days later, on July 18, police officers shot Shykh Aashhabul Yamin, a student at the Military Institute of Science and Technology, before loading him onto the top of an armored personnel carrier and driving him down the road, injured and unconscious. Afterward, they pulled him off the vehicle and tossed his body over the road’s median barriers before driving away. He later died from his injuries.[35]
The deaths sparked a series of “absentee funerals” in the days that followed. In response, Bangladeshi authorities implemented an internet blackout and countrywide curfew and deployed military troops across the country.[36] Police and BCL members continued to attack student gatherings using lethal force, including assault rifles, grenade launchers, and gunfire from police helicopters.[37] On July 18, students gathered on the campus of BRAC University to give funeral prayers for those recently killed. Police fired rubber bullets and teargas at the students. As news of the events at BRAC University spread, students from nearby colleges joined the protests. Some students threw bricks and stones at police, who fired indiscriminately at students. Around 30 people were injured. Dhaka Imperial College student Zillur Sheikh was killed by police.[38]
As protests continued, Bangladeshi authorities opened investigations against tens of thousands of people, arresting more than 10,000 in what some termed a witch hunt.[39] Among those arrested were student leaders, including Nur Nabi,[40] Asif Mahmud,[41] Abu Bakar Majumder,[42] and Nahid Islam.[43] Some students were arrested repeatedly. Police initially abducted Asif Mahmud and Abu Bakar Majumder on July 19, holding them both for four days before releasing them and leaving them blindfolded near a city road. Both student leaders were admitted to Gonoshasthaya Nagar Hospital for treatment, but were again abducted from the hospital on July 26.[44] Students reported ill-treatment;[45] e.g., Nur Nabi described being blindfolded, stripped, and subjected to torture while in police custody.
On July 21, Bangladesh’s high court responded to the protests by abolishing most quotas for civil service jobs. On July 23, the government issued a directive for 9 percent of civil service jobs to be filled based on merit rather than reserved for particular groups. Internet service was restored, and universities reopened. Nevertheless, student leaders announced that they would continue to protest, demanding justice for those killed and injured in the previous weeks.[46]
Protests continued, with police forcibly dispersing protests and detaining students,[47] until August 5, when Bangladesh’s prime minister Sheikh Hasina announced her resignation.[48] An interim government was formed, headed by Nobel Peace Prize-winning economist Muhammad Yunus. Prominent student leaders, including Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud, were given cabinet positions in the new government.[49]
Despite democratic reforms, tensions continued. Widespread reprisal violence occurred against Awami League supporters, religious minorities, and police. Security forces again used arbitrary arrests and mass criminal complaints, but at this point mostly against those supportive of the Awami League and prior regime.[50] On October 23, the interim government banned the BCL.[51] On campuses, those affiliated with the BCL found themselves at risk of retributive violence and imprisonment.[52] On September 18, a group of Jahangirnagar University students beat to death Shamim Ahmed, a BCL leader claiming that he had been a leader of the attack that occurred at the university on July 15.[53]
Politics on campus was divisive,[54] with clashes breaking out as different student groups vied for power. On November 21, members of Jatiyabadi Chatra Dal (JCD), the student wing of the Bangladesh National Party, and Islami Chhatra Shibir (Shibir), the student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, clashed at Chattogram Polytechnic College after the college’s administration released a list of students assigned to rooms in a student hostel. Students at the college had previously demanded that rooms be allocated equally so that no single group would be able to exert control over the hostel and were apparently dissatisfied with the administration’s allocation. The clash injured several students and caused damage to college buildings.[55] Likewise, on January 12, 2024, members of the antidiscrimination student movement, the JCD, and the former BCL clashed at Ananda Mohan College. Earlier in the day, BCL members carrying large wooden sticks gathered on campus to express their dissatisfaction that the college principal, Professor Md Aman Ullah, was meeting with JDC members to discuss dormitory fees. BCL members engaged in a clash with the students. At least 20 were injured.[56]
Belarus
Since the 2020 presidential election in Belarus, Belarusian authorities have escalated repression against protestors, students, and scholars, including through imprisonment, prosecution, expulsions, and firings. According to the AFi, academic freedom declined precipitously in 2020 and remained extremely low after that point. Belarus’s involvement in Russia’s war in Ukraine has resulted in further repression against the higher education sector.[57]

Figure 8: In 2024, the AFi rated Belarus as “completely restricted” with respect to academic freedom. Its score of 0.04 made it one of the 10 percent of countries with the lowest levels of academic freedom.

Figure 9: According to the AFi, academic freedom declined with respect to all indicators from 2019 to 2020 and remained low after that point.
From 2024-2025, university autonomy was extremely restricted in Belarus. The Belarusian government either directly appointed in public universities, or controlled in private universities, key administrative positions including rectors.[58] University administrations included a “deputy rector for security” position, to which members of the intelligence services (KGB) were appointed.[59] Universities also functioned as centers for militarization and political indoctrination; for example, through a required course on “The History of Belarusian Statehood,” which was introduced in 2022.
In addition, the ability of Belarusian scholars to travel abroad for conferences was severely constrained. Scholars working in state universities were required to obtain official permission from the administrations of their universities to travel abroad for conference, lectures, or other events.[60] Likewise, Belarusian students who wished to study abroad were required to obtain government permission after navigating significant administrative obstacles.[61]
The repressive environment in Belarus made it difficult to report on attacks on higher education in the country, particularly the precise number of students and scholars who had been imprisoned or dismissed between 2020 and the reporting period.[62] Many of those affected avoided making information about their status known for fear of reprisals.[63] Nevertheless, there was enough information to suggest that imprisonments and prosecutions of students and scholars were widespread. Imprisoned students like Marfa Rabkova, a third-year student at the International Law and European Union Law program at European Humanities University (EHU) at the time of her arrest, received lengthy prison sentences. In 2022, Rabkova was sentenced to 15 years in prison.[64] Moreover, even official statistics tracked a declining number of university staff and students after 2020—a trend that may have been partially shaped by demographic factors, but which was also likely linked to state repression.[65]
Authorities used criminal law to silence dissent by members of the higher education community, frequently bringing false accusations or pursuing disproportionate charges of defamation, disturbing public order, or extremism. By 2025, the official historical narrative of the Belarusian state had been enshrined into law, empowering authorities to prosecute publishing houses and media outlets that contradict it.[66]
Extremism charges were used against several scholars prosecuted in 2024-2025. On July 1, 2024, the Minsk Regional Court sentenced 20 intellectuals living in exile abroad—including scholars, political analysts, and experts—to between 10 and 11.5 years in prison on spurious charges related to extremism and endangering national security. The Belarusian government arbitrarily referred to the group as “Tsikhanouskaya’s Analysts.” Those convicted include several who worked in the office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, a Belarusian politician in exile who ran against President Alexander Lukashenko during the 2020 presidential election and led the political opposition to Lukashenko’s government after the election. However, the group also included independent scholars and intellectuals unaffiliated with Tsikhanouskaya.[67]
Likewise, on September 13, 2024, the Minsk prosecutor’s office announced that a historian at Belarusian State Medical University had been convicted and sentenced to four years in prison for “facilitating extremist activities.” The charges apparently stemmed from an interview he gave two years earlier to Euroradio, an independent Belarusian news organization with offices in both Poland and Belarus. Euroradio itself was designated an extremist organization, but only after the interview.[68]
China & Hong Kong
As in recent years, the 2024 AFi rated China as “completely restricted” and Hong Kong as “severely restricted.” Rights groups and media reported that the Chinese government exerted political and ideological control over universities, including through surveillance cameras installed in classrooms, the use of student informants, and the appointment of top university officials.[69] There were indications that China sought to expand its international influence through higher education, including by expanding international exchange[70] and transnational repression of Chinese scholars and students abroad.[71] The status and whereabouts of imprisoned scholars, including Rahile Dawut,[72] Ilham Tohti,[73] Tashpolat Tiyip,[74] and Abdulqadir Jalaleddin,[75] was unknown. In Hong Kong, Human Rights Watch issued a report in September 2024 showing that academic freedom had significantly declined since the passage of the National Security Law in 2020 (see Free to Think 2024 for more details on the law).[76] The law particularly affected political science departments, where self-censorship was reportedly prevalent.[77] Conditions such as censorship, including a restrictive media environment, made tracking and verifying reports of attacks on higher education particularly challenging in both Hong Kong and China.

Figure 10: According to the AFi, academic freedom was “completely restricted” in China (0.07) and “severely restricted” Hong Kong (0.24) in 2024.
Colombia
As in recent years, Colombian universities were affected by protests, clashes, and acts of vandalism. While academic freedom is generally respected in Colombia,[78] the country’s score on the AFi declined slightly from 2023 to 2024, particularly with respect to academic exchange and dissemination and the freedom of academic and cultural expression.

Figure 11: In 2024, the AFi rated Colombia as “moderately restricted” (0.59) with respect to academic freedom.

Figure 12: From 2023 to 2024, academic freedom declined in Colombia primarily with respect to academic exchange and dissemination and the freedom of academic and cultural expression.
From 2023 to 2024, groups of unidentified individuals disrupted university operations or vandalized university property on several occasions. On September 13, 2024, a group of hooded individuals vandalized building facades at the University of Antioquia while protesting the university’s budget deficit.[79] On September 26, 2024, a group of hooded individuals vandalized the rector’s office at the Colegio Mayor de Cundinamarca University.[80]
In other cases, clashes between police and hooded protesters occurred at the gates of Colombian universities, disrupting students’ access. On December 10, 2024, a group of hooded individuals clashed with police outside of the Universidad Nacional de Colombia. During the clash, the group forcibly entered a university building where a graduation ceremony was taking place. There were no reports of injuries.[81] On March 27, 2025, a group of hooded individuals, who were reported to be students demanding increased investments in education and improvements to university infrastructure, threw homemade explosives at police near the gates of the National Pedagogical University, prompting clashes. Police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse the protesters.[82] On April 30, 2025, hooded protesters threw explosives at police from inside the gates of the University of Antioquia. Police responded with water cannons. The university temporarily suspended campus operations because of the unrest.[83] A very similar incident occurred, also at the University of Antioquia, on June 6, 2025, prompting the university to suspend campus operations for the day.[84]
Georgia
In Georgia, university students played a central role in nationwide protests against the pro-Russia, Georgian Dream-led government. While university administrations were largely supportive of student protesters, in recent years, Georgia’s government has increasingly taken actions to restrict university autonomy. These actions are reflected in Georgia’s AFi score, which has progressively declined since 2020, with the pace of decline appearing to accelerate from 2023 to 2024.

Figure 13: While the AFi rated Georgia as “mostly free” (0.73) in 2024, it also noted a statistically significant decline in the country’s level of academic freedom from 2014 to 2024.

Figure 14: Academic freedom has declined in Georgia with respect to all five indicators included in the AFi.
Beginning in the spring of 2024 through the reporting period, nationwide protests took place in Georgia. University students played a leading role in these movements.[85] From May through August, the prospect of a new “foreign agents” law sparked protests among students and other young people across the country.[86] Modeled after a Russian regulation, the law required that NGOs receiving 20 percent or more of their funding from sources abroad register with the government as “pursuing the interests of a foreign power.” The law was enacted on August 1, 2024. It was broadly viewed as intended to limit dissent prior to Georgia’s parliamentary l elections in October 2024.[87]
After the Georgia Dream party won in October, university students and other young people again took to the streets.[88] In November 2024, they protested against Georgia’s Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhize suspending negotiations for membership in the European Union. Students at Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University (TAFU) began a sit-in and strike,[89] inspiring strikes on at least seven other university campuses across the country.[90] Mass protests continued during the months that followed.[91] The sit-in at TAFU lasted for more than 80 days, with police raiding the building three times before it came to an end.[92]
Police responded to the protests with force, arresting protesters. Dozens of students reportedly face prosecution for their participation in protests, both in public spaces and on university grounds.[93] While university administrations were largely supportive of student protesters, in some cases, universities worked closely with police. On November 19, 2024, police dismantled a student encampment and used pepper spray and water cannons to forcibly disperse students protesting at Tbilisi State University (TSU). At least 16 people were arrested and two injured.[94] TSU’s rector reportedly allowed police to use university facilities as a base during the operation.[95]
Against the backdrop of student protests, the Georgian government took actions to limit university autonomy and coerce universities into compliance. In recent years, according to experts, it has become increasingly clear that government authorities informally nominate rectors of universities.[96] More specifically, observers attributed the Ministry of Education’s decision to withhold full accreditation from Ilia State University, despite the university’s positive evaluation, to students’ and staff members’ protests. The university was granted accreditation contingent on monitoring after one year.[97] Likewise, the government’s decision to form a new commission on university reform—announced in January 2025 by Prime Minister Kobakhidze, together with the education minister and education and science advisers—was viewed as cover for a government crackdown on universities.[98]
Germany
While academic freedom remained high in Germany, it declined gradually from 2014 to 2024. The AFi scored the country as “mostly free” in 2024 but simultaneously noted that its score was significantly lower than it had been 10 years prior.

Figure 15: The AFi rated Germany as “mostly free” in 2024. This contrasts from 2022, when the Index rated Germany as “completely free.”

Figure 16: In Germany, declines in academic freedom appear to have occurred in the areas of the freedom of academic and cultural expression and the freedom to research and teach.
In recent years, factors contributing to a more restricted environment for academic freedom in Germany have included controversies over how universities handled pro-Palestinian protests that occurred during the 2023-2024 academic year and a funding scandal that occurred in June and July 2024.[99] The funding scandal took place after the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) called for an investigation into whether a letter signed by more than 1,000 university professors could be grounds for disciplinary action under either civil service code or criminal law, and whether the signatories’ research funding could be cut. (The professors’ letter called on administrators of universities in Berlin to refrain from calling the police against or criminally prosecuting their own students. It is described in more detail in Free to Think 2024.)
According to data from the AFi, restrictions on academic freedom in Germany appear to be linked to the freedom of academic and cultural expression and the freedom to research and teach. SAR’s AFMP confirmed this: during the current reporting period, the incidents included in the AFMP that took place in Germany included several cases of universities choosing to cancel previously approved events in the face of public pressure and negative media campaigns. On December 1, 2024, the University of Leipzig canceled a lecture by Israeli historian Benny Morris, an emeritus professor of history at Ben Gurion University. The cancellation came following pressure from student groups arguing that Morris had expressed racist views on Palestinians. The university chose to cancel the lecture, pointing to security concerns.[100] Likewise, in January and February 2024, two universities—Ludwig Maximilian University[101] and Free University of Berlin (FUB)[102]—canceled lectures by Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, who is also an international human rights lawyer. The FUB event was also planned to feature remarks from Eyal Weizman, the director of the research agency Forensic Architecture at Goldsmiths, University of London . Weizman is also Professor of Spatial and Visual Cultures. The cancellation came following a negative media campaign and public pressure from German officials.
Concerns about academic freedom mounted in February 2025, when the far-right populist party Alternative for Germany became—and remains as of this writing—the second largest party in the country’s parliament.[103] The party has called for mass deportations of immigrants, raising concerns among international students, and for the closure of gender studies departments.[104]
India
In India, the central government, led by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), took actions to extend its authority over the country’s system of higher education, undermining university autonomy.[105] University administrators made decisions that chilled speech on campus, including firing faculty members and developing and implementing new policies restricting the space for student expression. According to the AFi, academic freedom was “completely restricted” in 2024.

Figure 17: India’s 2024 score on the AFi was “completely restricted” (0.16).

Figure 18: Since 2022, greater restrictions on the freedom to research and teach appear to have driven declines in India’s score on the AFi.
India’s central government vied for control over universities in states governed by opposition-led governments. Among the actions that the central government took was to implement reforms to the University Grants Commission (UGC). While originally created to ensure higher education standards, over time the central government has increasingly used it as a tool for exerting political influence.[106] For instance, in January 2025, the UGC introduced new regulations that would allow for non-academics to become university vice-chancellors. The regulations were framed as a way to clarify the vice-chancellor appointment process, including by allowing for their selection by a committee made up of “impartial statutory bodies.” However, observers interpreted these changes as enabling the central government to circumvent state government recommendations for the appointment of vice chancellors and to allow for the BJP government to appoint ideologically aligned individuals.[107]
Some states pushed back against these reforms, causing universities to be caught up in political battles.[108] In a battle described in Free to Think 2024, the Kerala state government sought to pass an amendment to expand the authority of the pro-chancellor over higher education. The state’s governor, a BJP appointee, was the chancellor of the state universities, while the pro-chancellor was the opposition-affiliated state minister of higher education.
The Indian government also used funding to extend its control over universities, such as the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS). Beginning in 2023, the UGC provided more than 50 percent of the university’s funding. The memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed between the UGC and TISS gave the UGC the authority to appoint the vice-chancellor and pro-vice-chancellor of the institute. After the MOU was signed, TISS’s administration more frequently made academic decisions without faculty consultation, and faculty reported feeling more hesitant to express themselves freely.[109]
The reporting period also saw efforts to restrict academic discourse, suppress dissent, and prevent criticism of India’s government. On July 31, 2024, Sasanka Perera, a professor of sociology at SAU and previously its vice president and dean, resigned from his position at the university. His resignation came after SAU’s administration opened an investigation into a PhD student who included in his dissertation proposal a quote by linguist Noam Chomsky that criticized Indian prime minister Narendra Modi and the BJP party.[110] In September 2024, it was reported that three scientists had been dropped from the final stage of selection for the Rashtriya Vigyan Puraskar, a national award for scientific research, apparently because they had been critical of government policies.[111]
A growing number of universities across India put in place new policies that limited student expression. These policies mirrored actions taken by Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and South Asian University (SAU) in 2023, as previously reported in Free to Think 2024. As of September 2024, Tata Institute of Social Science (TISS) began asking students to sign a revised honor code that bars participation in demonstrations deemed “anti-establishment.” The honor code asks students to commit that they will not “indulge in any political, anti-establishment, unpatriotic discussions, demonstrations, dharna or any form of activities that disturbs the academic environment of the institute.” Students who do not follow the honor code risk penalties that include expulsion.[112] Also in September 2024, Mumbai University issued a circular banning students from holding meetings, protests, hunger strikes, rallies, and other gatherings without prior approval.[113] Likewise, in December 2024, Jamia Millia Islamia issued a directive banning all student demonstrations, sit-ins, and sloganeering without prior permission. The directive came after a protest that was critical of the Indian government and followed a prior directive issued in 2022 that banned unauthorized protests on campus.[114] Osmania University in Telangana state issued a similar circular in March 2025 threatening legal action against anyone who participated in protests and the raising of slogans on campus.[115]
Some universities suspended students in connection with their participation in acts of protest. On August 21, 2024, Delhi University (DU) temporarily suspended Jyoti Karki, a Master’s student in the Department of Slavonic and Finno-Ugrian Studies and member of the student activist group Disha Student Organization (DSO), after she wrote slogans on a campus wall.[116] Karki’s suspension took place amid widespread student protests against India’s National Testing Agency after material was leaked for both the national entrance exam for medical education and the exam for entry-level teaching jobs in universities and admissions to PhD programs.[117] Karki and her DSO colleagues had observed that the wall where DU permitted slogans to be written was full and, therefore, chose to write the protest slogans on another wall. On September 30, Karki appealed to the Delhi High Court, arguing that her suspension was “arbitrary and illegal” as the university did not follow due process and did not issue a show-cause notice allowing Karki to defend her case. On November 25, the High Court stayed Karki’s suspension.
Police repeatedly used force or detained students for exercising their rights to freedom of expression and assembly through peaceful protests. On July 18, 2024, police beat members of the National Students’ Union of India who were protesting at Rajasthan University to demand student union elections. Two students reportedly sustained minor injuries and eighteen students were detained.[118] This was followed by a second protest that took place at Rajasthan University, also calling for student union elections, during which 25 students were detained.[119] On March 30, 2025, police forcibly detained 52 students peacefully protesting the Telangana state government’s plans to develop a 400-acre tract of forest land in the Kancha Gachibowli area, located next to the University of Hyderabad. Videos showed police dragging and pushing students into police vehicles. Most students were released later that evening.[120] Three days later, at least 20 University of Hyderabad students were injured when police used batons to disperse students and faculty protesting the same government plans.[121] On April 11, 2025, Ambedekar University guards and Delhi police used physical force, including batons, to disperse members of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) who were peacefully protesting harassment and bullying on campus. The university later suspended five students for allegedly attempting to assault the university’s vice-chancellor, obstructing the police, and putting university officials at risk during the protest. SFI denied the accusations.[122]
As in previous years, political struggles played out on campus—often violently—as students from opposing groups attacked scholars and each other. On March 11, 2025, members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), which, over the years, has frequently been responsible for acts of violence on campus, clashed with members of SFI at Himachal Pradesh University using rods, knives, and sickles. At least seven students were injured. It was not clear what had sparked the clash, but it followed several weeks of escalating violence between the two groups on campus.[123] On May 24, 2025, members of ABVP clashed with members of several other student groups who were participating in a Palestinian solidarity protest at Delhi University.
Finally, Indian higher education was also affected by violence related to armed conflict. At the end of April 2025, gunmen killed 26 tourists and one local resident of Kashmir’s Pahalgam Valley, leading India to engage in a military response and an exchange of fire between India and Pakistan after India accused the Pakistani government of indirectly supporting the attack.[124] As tensions escalated, Kashmiri students studying across India reportedly faced threats, harassment, and assault, with some deciding to return home to Kashmir.[125] Against this backdrop, Delhi University received criticism for issuing a directive asking Kashmiri students to submit their personal details to the university. While the university framed the directive as an initiative to keep those students safe, the Jammu and Kashmir Students Association (JKSA) argued that it was discriminatory.[126]
In the weeks that followed, students and scholars who spoke critically of India’s actions in response to the Pahalgam faced arrests by police or disciplinary action from their universities. On May 9, 2025, police arrested a second-year student at Singhad Academy of Engineering and filed a First Information Report against her after she shared an Instagram story critical of India’s military action. The university also suspended the student, claiming that she had brought “disrepute” to the university and harbored “anti-national sentiments,” posing a “risk to the campus community and society.” On May 27, the Bombay High Court strongly rebuked both the college and the police. It was not clear whether any further disciplinary or legal actions followed.[127] On May 18, 2025, police arrested Ali Khan Mahmudabad, an associate professor with the Department of Political Science at Ashoka University, based on a complaint that a youth member of the BJP filed against him for social media posts relating to India’s military action against Pakistan. Mahmudabad was accused of endangering national security and promoting enmity. On May 21, India’s Supreme Court ordered that police release Mahmudabad on bail. At the time of writing, Mahmudabad was still under police investigation.[128]
Iran
Academic freedom has been under continuous pressure in Iran for decades. However, the situation deteriorated significantly after the death of Mahsa (Zhina) Amini while in custody of Iran’s “morality police.” Her death ignited the “Women, Life, Freedom” movement, which was met with escalating repression targeting students, faculty, and universities, as documented in Free to Think 2023 and 2024. According to the AFi, in 2024, Iran was a “completely restricted environment with respect to academic freedom.

Figure 19: In 2024, the AFi rated Iran as “completely restricted” (0.14)

Figure 20: According to the AFi, academic freedom was particularly restricted in Iran with respect to campus integrity—likely due to the increased presence of security forces on campus following the implementation of more stringent hijab regulations in April 2024.
In June 2024, following Iran’s presidential election, the country’s leadership made promises to restore a degree of university autonomy and to review the cases of suspended students and dismissed faculty. These promises went unfulfilled. According to the UN, state repression intensified rather than eased. Women continue to face surveillance, physical violence, and increasingly harsh penalties for refusing to comply with mandatory hijab laws. The academic community remains one of the main targets of this ongoing crackdown.[129]
The situation of students and academics imprisoned in Iran continues to be grave. Swedish-Iranian academic Ahmadreza Djalali remains in prison under a death sentence since 2016. Even as concerns mounted that Djalali’s execution was imminent, his health deteriorated significantly.[130] On May 8, 2025, Djalali suffered a heart attack. He was transferred to the prison hospital but was initially denied proper medical care, apparently because it occurred on the weekend.[131] On June 23, 2025, amid 12 days of armed conflict between Israel and Iran (see below for more details), Iranian authorities transferred Djalali to an undisclosed location; rights groups expressed fears that the move indicated his imminent execution.[132] At the time of writing, Djalali’s location remained unknown.[133]
Following the death of former Iranian president Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash in May 2024, Iran elected a new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, in July 2024. Pezeshkian’s election prompted hopes that Iranians would see a greater degree of human rights, including academic freedom. Pezeshkian had campaigned stating that he would refrain from imposing headscarf regulations by force, and from the use of force against university protesters.[134] Any hopes that observers had for openings under Pezeshkian, however, were quickly quelled after he nominated Hossein Simayi Sarraf as Minister of Science, Research, and Technology. Sarraf had been tied to Iran’s conservative establishment and had previously been involved in enforcing ideological conformity in the country’s universities. Sarraf’s appointment was interpreted as an indication that the Iranian government would continue to limit the space for dissent within universities—a prediction that proved accurate.[135] In the leadup to the 2024-25 academic year, students, faculty, and others called for Pezeshkian to fulfill his campaign promises to reinstate students and scholars who had been dismissed for participating in the Women, Life, Freedom movement. As of this writing, the reinstatements have not occurred.[136]
Against this backdrop, observers raised concerns about brain drain weakening Iranian universities. At the end of 2024, Iranian officials revealed that, in recent years, 25 percent of university faculty had left their positions, either because they had left the education sector or emigrated from the country. While Iranian authorities have primarily attributed the flight of Iranian academics to economic issues (including the impact of international sanctions relating to government policies), others have pointed out that political repression is an equally significant factor.[137]
Beginning in the spring of 2024, Iran’s university campuses saw an increased number of police forces, members of the Basij, and plainclothes officers, placed there in order to enforce more stringent hijab regulations passed in April of that year. On November 3, 2024, Iranian security forces assaulted Ahoo Daryaei, a student in the science and research department at Islamic Azad University in Tehran. According to a student witness, the security guards grabbed Daryaei after they saw her without the required hijab. The officers began to beat her and pulled her by her clothing toward a security post near the university’s entrance, ripping her top in the process. Daryaei responded by screaming “shameless,” and stripping off her clothing. As Daryaei left the university, plainclothes police officers grabbed her and forced her into a car, causing her to hit her head in the process. Following her arrest, Iranian state media sought to discredit Daryaei, announcing that she had a “mental disorder” and that she was being taken to a facility for treatment. To date, no updates have been provided regarding Daryaei’s situation. According to rights groups, the government often uses the pretext of “mental disorders” to justify its crackdown on dissenters.[138]
In February 2025, protests broke out at the University of Tehran after robbers shot and killed an undergraduate student, Amir Mohammad Khaleghi, near the university dormitory. Students demanded that university officials do more to ensure their safety on campus. Police responded to the protests with arrests and force. At least four students were arrested, and one student reported a broken nose from police violence.[139]
On June 13, 2025, Israel launched military strikes on Iran, ostensibly aimed at degrading or eliminating Iran’s nuclear program. That same day, Iran retaliated with strikes on targets inside Israel, leading to twelve days of armed conflict between the two countries. The violence disrupted higher education and research, both in Iran and in Israel.[140] In Iran, airstrikes damaged university infrastructure and reportedly killed students. According to media reports, Israel assassinated at least 11 Iranian nuclear scientists.[141] Universities suspended classes, evacuated student dormitories, and postponed final examinations until September.[142] International students, including refugees from Afghanistan, fled the country.[143] As the violence escalated, Iran began to crackdown on members of the opposition, arresting hundreds and accusing them of spying for Israel and carrying out more frequent executions of prisoners.[144] Student activists were among those arrested. On June 14, 2025, Iranian police arrested Motahareh Goonehi (also written Goonei), a student activist who had previously been barred from continuing her studies at Tehran University of Medical Sciences, in retaliation for a social media post that she made criticizing the Iranian government’s response to Israeli airstrikes. Goonehi, who had completed a one-year prison sentence in March 2025 after being arrested for her activism, was taken to an unknown location.[145] On June 15, 2025, Iranian police arrested Mostafa Mehr Ayeen, an assistant professor of sociology at the Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies in Tehran. Ayeen had published an open letter demanding an end to the war, calling for dialogue and for the resignation of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. At the time of writing, Ayeen was being held in Evin Prison in Tehran.[146]
Myanmar
February 1, 2025, marked four years since a military coup sparked a civil war between the governing military junta and groups associated with the People’s Defense Forces in Myanmar. According to the AFi, academic freedom was “completely restricted” in the country in 2024. Media reports indicated that by the current reporting period, the country’s higher education sector had undergone significant change. Many students and scholars had either left the country or had transferred to independent higher education institutions run by the oppositional National Unity Government.[147] There were also reports indicating that armed forces and armed groups used university campuses as military bases and that armed combat affected those campuses. For example, on August 7, 2024, military junta forces occupied the University of Technology’s Yatanarpon Cyber City campus. Students and professors fled in advance of the occupation, after the military dropped leaflets warning them that it would happen.[148] However, the ongoing armed conflict made it challenging to verify information.

Figure 21: Academic freedom was “completely restricted” (0.03) in Myanmar in 2024, according to the AFi.
Nicaragua
By the 2024-25 reporting period, Nicaragua’s government had essentially eliminated academic freedom and university autonomy. In November 2024, the three-person Group of Human Rights Experts on Nicaragua, appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, reported extensive human rights violations against university faculty and students, including threats, beating, arbitrary detentions, and prolonged solitary confinement. According to the report, the government had closed universities that had previously been centers of dissent and instituted stronger mechanisms of political control at those universities that remained open.[149] According to the 2025 update to the AFi, Nicaragua ranked lowest among all countries where academic freedom is “completely restricted.”[150]

Figure 22: Academic freedom was essentially nonexistent in Nicaragua in 2024-25. The AFi rated it as “completely restricted;” its score of 0.02, ranked it as the least free country globally with respect to academic freedom.
Nigeria
In Nigeria, the portions of the higher education sector faced insecurity despite a relatively high level of academic freedom nationwide; the AFi rated Nigeria as “fully free” in 2024. Small non-state armed groups opportunistically targeted university students and instructors in the country’s north and northeast, demanding ransom for their release.

Figure 23: The AFi rated Nigeria as “fully free” (0.86) in 2024.

Figure 24: The picture for academic freedom is complex in Nigeria, according to the AFi. Whereas some indicators point to an expansion of academic freedom (i.e., in the areas of freedom of academic and cultural expression and institutional autonomy), others point to a contraction (i.e., in the areas of freedom to research and teach, freedom of academic exchange and dissemination, and campus integrity).
As in previous years, opportunistic abductions of university students by criminals and armed groups took place, notably in northern Nigerian states. Sources have frequently described groups of “bandits” kidnapping students and staff in pursuit of ransom. For example, on July 11, 2024, unknown gunmen abducted three staff members including the acting rector from Benue State Polytechnic’s Ugbokolo campus as the group was returning to the university after a trip to the capital.[151] At the time of writing, it was not clear what had happened to the abducted staff members. On August 15, 2024, unknown gunmen abducted 20 University of Jos and University of Maiduguri medical students, along with a doctor accompanying them, as they were en route to the Federation of Catholic Medical and Dental Students’ annual convention in Benue State; one week later, the students and the doctor were released.[152] Also on August 15, unknown armed gunmen abducted five Enugu State College of Health Technology students as they were leaving the college; three students remained missing at the time of writing.[153] On February 25, 2025, a group of fived armed individuals kidnapped four Joseph Sarwan Tarka University, Makurdi students, all women, while they were on their way to a lecture hall on campus.[154] At the time of writing, the women remained missing. On March 2, 2025, unknown gunmen kidnapped four Federal University Dutsin-Ma (FUDM) students from their private hostel behind the campus;[155] two weeks later, unknown gunmen kidnapped two other FUDM students from their private hostel near the campus.[156] What had happened to the students was not known at the time of writing.
University students protested in demand of increased security; police frequently responded with force. For example, on March 17, 2025, police fired tear gas at students from Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic who were protesting on campus against insecurity in the region.[157] Police violence was prevalent enough that some students reported that they had stopped participating in protests because they were afraid of being attacked by security officials.[158] Some student leaders called for the creation of a police-student relationship committee to address allegations of police brutality, harassment, and extortion.[159]
Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT)
Palestinian students, scholars, and universities faced extreme challenges in the context of Israel’s ongoing military action in Gaza and raids in the West Bank.[160] By 2024-25, Gaza’s higher education infrastructure had been largely destroyed.[161] In the West Bank, there were frequent reports of raids at universities, arrests and detentions of students, faculty and staff, and significant movement restrictions that blocked access to university campuses.[162] Information on specific incidents was challenging to verify for several reasons, including the ongoing conflict and restrictions on the media landscape. Academic freedom was severely impacted across the OPT. In 2022, the AFi rated the West Bank as “mostly free” and Gaza as “severely restricted.” In 2024, the West Bank was categorized as “severely restricted,” while Gaza was categorized as “completely restricted.”

Pakistan
In Pakistan, scholars and university students, particularly Baloch scholars and students, faced attacks on their academic freedom and freedom of expression that have imperiled their lives and livelihoods. These included violent attacks, abduction, disciplinary action, and violence between student groups. According to the AFi, academic freedom dropped from “moderately restricted” in 2022 to “severely restricted” in 2024.

Figure 26: According to the AFi, academic freedom has declined in Pakistan over the past two years, falling from “moderately restricted” (0.55) in 2022 to “severely restricted” (0.35) in 2024.

Figure 27: Data from the AFi shows that the greatest declines in academic freedom in Pakistan are in the areas of the freedom of academic exchange and dissemination and institutional autonomy.
During 2024, there were multiple cases in which unidentified attackers threatened to kill university personnel or destroy higher education infrastructure. On September 9, 2024, unidentified gunmen opened fire on the Gomel University Vice Chancellor Dr. Shakibullah as he was leaving the University of Agriculture in Dera Ismail Khan city, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The reason for the attack was unclear, but violence targeting public figures, including academics, increased in the northwest region of Pakistan in 2024.[163]
Baloch students and scholars were particularly at risk during the reporting period. On February 2, 2025, unidentified attackers shot and killed Allah Dad Baloch, a MPhil scholar at Quaid-e-Azam University and Baloch intellectual, in an attack that appeared to be targeted. Allah Dad was known for working to promote Baloch history, culture, and national identity through his writing and translation work. He was shot multiple times while sitting at a hotel, drinking tea with a friend; his friend was not shot.[164]
The AFMP verified reports involving the disappearances of at least 25 Baloch students. On October 10, 2024, members of Pakistan’s armed forces abducted three Baloch students studying at Punjab University, Superior University Lahore, and the University of Lahore from their university hostels.[165] Less than a week later, on October 16, 2024, nine Baloch university students were abducted. Eight of them disappeared from their shared residence in Karachi. Separately, a ninth student studying history at Karachi University was also abducted. At the time of writing, there was no information on their status.[166] On May 29, 2025, Pakistani security forces abducted Mahjabeen Baloch, a Library Science major at the University of Balochistan. At the time of writing, the location of Mahjabeen, who was disabled by polio, remained unknown.[167] Mahjabeen’s brother, Muhammad Younus Baloch, a student at Khuzdar University, was abducted under similar circumstances five days earlier.[168]
In at least one case, a Baloch university student who spoke out against the abductions was disciplined by her university. On August 12, 2024, Punjab University suspended Sadia Baloch, a law student and member of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee, for delivering a speech during a June 10 rally in which she called for the release of an abducted Baloch student. The university alleged that her intervention damaged the reputation of the institution.[169]
In early 2025, Pakistani police conducted a series of raids on book stalls set up by members of the Baloch Student Action Committee (BSAC), a student-led political group founded in 2009 by students from the Balochistan University of Information Technology, Engineering, and Management Sciences. The book stalls were part of the Kitab Karawan, a traveling book campaign aimed at promoting education and literacy in underserved regions of Balochistan. On January 21, 2025, police raided a book stall in Gwadar. They seized the books and arrested several students, accusing them of blocking traffic and of selling books with provocative material.[170] Similar incidents occurred in Taunsa Sharif on January 27 and Dajal on January 29.[171]
A series of student protests took place at Punjab Group of Colleges (PGC) campuses across Punjab province in October 2024, resulting in damage to higher education facilities and the injury or arrest of dozens of students. The protests erupted on October 14 following online reports claiming that a security guard had raped a woman student. That day, anti-riot and other police personnel used batons to disperse protesters, injuring at least 28 students.[172] By October 16, the protests had expanded across the province, leading to the vandalism of college property and clashes between students and police. The violence resulted in the death of a security guard at a PGC campus in Gujarat city.[173] The following day, on October 17, Pakistani police arrested at least 150 students who were protesting in Rawalpindi against the alleged rape. During the protests, police beat students with batons and fired tear gas, and students burned college furniture, looted a university building, and blocked a road.[174]
Clashes between student groups disrupted education on college and university campuses and made the learning environment unwelcoming and unsafe. At Quaid-e-Azam University (QAU), clashes broke out between members of the Punjabi Students Council and the Pakhtun Students Council on two separate occasions in September and October 2024. On September 29, violence erupted after members of the Punjabi Students Council beat Muzammil Marwat, a member of the Pakhtun Students Council, causing head injuries. Following reports of the attack, several dozen members of the Punjabi Students Council gathered at a student hostel with sticks and iron rods. Meanwhile, around 300 students led by the Pakhtun Students Council gathered at the cafeteria, also with sticks and rods, before attacking the hostel where the Punjabi students were gathered. The fight lasted for about 40 minutes before police intervened and de-escalated the situation. At least 25 students were injured.[175] Less than two weeks later, clashes again broke out between the two groups, injuring at least five students.
Russia
Russia’s war in Ukraine put significant pressure on Russian scholars, students, and higher education institutions. As in previous reporting periods, the Russian government increasingly sought to control the content of higher education and to quell dissent within academia, turning university classroom lessons into political echo chambers. The AFi rated the country as “severely restricted.”

Figure 28: According to the AFi, academic freedom was “severely restricted” (0.21) in Russia.

Figure 29: Data from the AFi shows that academic freedom in Russia was most significantly constrained with respect to the freedom of academic and cultural expression.
Russian authorities cracked down on dissent in the country, targeting academics and students alike, particularly those working on sensitive areas. From 2025 to 2025, Russian authorities arrested at least 12 scientists working on hypersonic flight, which is relevant to military missile technology, charging them with treason.[176] The accusations stemmed from alleged leaks of classified information to foreign entities, though specific details surrounding the “treasonous” acts are rarely made public, raising concerns about due process. On September 3, 2024, the Moscow City Court convicted Alexander Shiplyuk, a hypersonic research scientist and director of the Khristianovich Institute of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics (ITAM) at the Siberian branch, sentencing him to 15 years in prison.[177]
Students were arrested for opposing the war in Ukraine. On February 14, 2025, a Saint Petersburg court sentenced two students from Saint Petersburg State University of Telecommunications (SPbSUT) to five days in jail for shouting pro-Ukrainian slogans on campus.[178] University administrators penalized students and faculty who criticized the Russian government or opposed the war in Ukraine. Between 2017 and 2024, 86 students were expelled and 92 professors dismissed from Russian universities for political reasons; most of these expulsions occurred after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.[179]
As in previous years, the Russian government sought to expand its control over universities. In May 2025, Russia’s parliament adopted a law authorizing the government to set the admissions numbers for state universities and to withhold student loans for disfavored areas of study.[180]
Academic centers and departments with links to the United States or Europe were at risk of closure. The European University in Saint Petersburg announced the closure of the Faculty of Political Science in July 2024.[181] The reasoning behind the closure was not made public; the university had previously been fined in 2023 for having kept books published by organizations that had been designated as “undesirable,” such as the Open Society Institute and the Kennan Institute.[182] Entities registered as undesirable are banned from operating in Russia. First-time violations are typically punished by a fine; the second offense carries up to four years in prison. On June 5, 2025, Russia’s prosecutor general announced the designation of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES)—a US-based scholarly society focused on studying the former Soviet countries, Central Asia, and Central and Eastern Europe—as an “undesirable organization.” The reason for the designation was unclear.[183]
Russian scientists reported feeling increasingly isolated from international academic exchange, including conferences and collaborations with scholars from the US and Europe, in part because of sweeping sanctions implemented after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.[184] Russian academics instead sought partnership and opportunities with universities in India, Vietnam, some Latin American countries, and China.[185]
Serbia
In Serbia, nationwide student-led peaceful protests against government corruption became a daily occurrence by the end of January 2025.[186] By March 2025, Serbia’s government had resigned, only to be reconstituted under a new administration that was led by the same party and many of the same ministers, prompting protests to continue.[187] The university sector broadly backed the protest movement: by February 2025, more than 5,000 faculty members had signed an open letter in support of the protests.[188] The upheaval disrupted higher education,[189] and Serbia’s populist government launched a retaliatory assault on higher education that threatened to undermine both academic freedom and university autonomy.[190] In late 2024, as protests were just beginning to gain momentum, the AFi rated Serbia as “mostly free.”

Figure 30: Data from the AFi shows that academic freedom was stable as of 2024—prior to most of the ongoing protests—with the country scoring as “mostly free” (0.76).

Figure 31: Disaggregated data from the AFi shows a more complicated picture. While the freedom of academic and cultural expression declined from 2023 to 2024, institutional autonomy increased. Other indicators of academic freedom were stable.
The protests broke out in November 2024 after the roof of a railway station in the city of Novi Sad collapsed, killing 15 people. Police at first refrained from using violence against protesters; Serbian officials instead mounted a campaign to discredit the university students involved in the protests, including by accusing them of allying with unspecified Western powers to overthrow the government.[191] This appeared to shift in the spring of 2025. On March 15, 2025, police reportedly used a Long-Range Acoustic Device to disperse peaceful demonstrators participating in a student-organized protest. The protest took the form of a silent vigil to commemorate the 15 people killed. Attended by hundreds of thousands of people, it turned out to be the largest in Serbia’s history. More than 3,000 people reported having experienced disorientation, a sense of loss of control, and headaches.[192] In April 2025, the government indicated that it would continue to crack down on higher education when it appointed a new Minister of Education known for opposing the protest movement.[193] In late June 2025, police violence against peaceful student protesters intensified after demonstrators began calling for the dissolution of the parliament. Police responded to demonstrations during the last week of June 2025 by using pepper spray, batons, and shields. Some students were left hospitalized after being beaten by police.[194]
The Serbian government’s efforts to delegitimize university students and scholars involved in the protests triggered public violence targeting students and faculty members. On November 22, 2024, around ten supporters of the Serbian government physically assaulted a group of students who had gathered on the road in front of the University of Arts in Belgrade to commemorate those killed in the Novi Stad railway station collapse. Videos submitted to the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade showed several different individuals repeatedly hitting and pushing students, causing minor injuries to one.[195] On January 16, 2025, a driver drove a car into a group of students protesting on a main road in Belgrade, seriously injuring one student.[196]
Serbian officials dropped or reduced charges against those responsible for violence against student demonstrators. On January 24, 2025, a driver struck a crowd of university student demonstrators with their car during a protest march in Belgrad, injuring two students. The driver was initially charged with attempted aggravated murder, but the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade later reclassified the indictment as aggravated offenses against public safety. The reduced charges meant that the driver was released from prison pending trial.[197] On January 27, 2025, four men used baseball bats to assault two separate groups of university students who were hanging signs for an upcoming demonstration. Several students were injured, including one whose jaw was dislocated. Police arrested the attackers and charged them with “inflicting serious bodily harm” and “violent behavior committed by prior agreement.” However, Serbian President Vučić later pardoned all four. They were released from custody, and the charges were annulled.
The Serbian government took actions that were widely viewed as retaliatory against the universities and faculty members for supporting the protests. As part of the protest movement, students blockaded universities. The Serbian government responded by threatening to defund state universities and by withholding the salaries of professors who supported the protests by refusing to teach.[198]
In March 2025, the government issued a new regulation reducing the amount of time that scholars can spend on research from 20 to just five hours per week.[199] In response, more than 450 professors, teaching assistants, and teaching associates filed a motion with Serbia’s Constitutional Court questioning the legality of the regulation.[200]
The government also threatened university deans and rectors would face criminal liability for their support of the protests.[201] In April 2025, police summoned Vladan Đokić, the rector of the University of Belgrade, to appear at a police station as part of a preliminary investigation into whether he abused his official position by supporting the protests.[202] At the time of writing, no further action had been taken against Đokić.
Sudan
By the 2024-25 reporting period, Sudan’s civil war had brought significant destruction to the country’s higher education sector. University infrastructure had been either destroyed, looted, or occupied by armed groups; for example, University of Gezira was looted on July 23, 2025.[203] The overwhelming majority of faculty and students had been internally displaced or fled the country, bringing higher education to a standstill. While higher education continued to some degree,[204] access was uneven and unstable.[205] Some experts warned that those academics and students who had fled the country might never return.[206] Against the backdrop of the war, the AFi scored the country as “severely restricted” with respect to academic freedom.

Figure 32: Academic freedom was “severely restricted” (0.21) in Sudan in 2024.
Türkiye
The space for academic freedom in Türkiye was extremely limited during the 2024-25 reporting period, with significant restrictions on university autonomy and shrinking space for scholars and students to express dissenting opinions, either inside or outside the academic space. In March 2025, police violently repressed a series of student protests that took place after students objected to the government’s arrest of Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul and the Republican People’s Party’s candidate for the 2028 presidential elections. On March 20, 21, and 27, police used pepper spray, plastic pellets, and water cannons to disperse students protesting at the Middle East Technical University. Twenty students were reportedly detained during the March 27 incident.[207]

Figure 33: According to the AFi, in 2024, Türkiye was “completely restricted” (0.12) and ranked in the bottom 10 percent of countries globally with respect to academic freedom.
Ukraine
The war in Ukraine had a severe impact on Ukraine’s higher education and research institutions. According to the AFi, academic freedom fell from “moderately restricted” in 2023 to “severely restricted” in 2024.

Figure 34: According to the AFi, academic freedom has declined in Ukraine from 2023 to 2024, falling from “moderately restricted” (0.48) to “severely restricted” (0.28).

Figure 35: Data from the AFi shows that Ukraine’s most significant decline in academic freedom from 2023 to 2024 occurred with respect to the freedom of academic exchange and dissemination.
According to a study conducted by researchers at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, by mid-2024, more than 33 percent of scientists had either left Ukraine or their professions.[208] In addition, one fifth of the country’s universities and colleges and one third of its research facilities had been damaged or destroyed by early 2025.[209] Even in relatively safe areas of the country, scholars reported that classes were frequently interrupted by air raid sirens and power cuts.[210] Russian airstrikes damaged university buildings on at least 12 separate occasions, including at Sumy State University, Donbas State Pedagogical University, Zaporizhzhia Polytechnic National University, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Kharkiv National University of Urban Economy, Dnipro State Medical University, Ivan Puluj Ternopil National Technical University, South Ukrainian National Pedagogical University, and Igor Sikorsky Kyiv Polytechnic Institute.[211] Some institutions were struck more than once.
Moreover, a study conducted for Vox Ukraine found that since 2014, Russia had seized control of nearly 289 Ukrainian institutions of higher education in the eastern regions of the country, including Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhia, Kherson, and Kharkiv oblasts, as well as Crimea. Among these, 242 have been blocked from carrying out any activities, while 53 were relocated to areas controlled by Russia. In addition to appearing as Russian institutions in international academic publications, these universities began using Russian textbooks, including history books that justify the war in Ukraine.[212]
Amid ongoing war, Ukraine made changes to encourage university students to stay in the country,[213] along with changes to the university curriculum. The Ukrainian government announced in early 2025 that it would mandate basic military training for all university students beginning during the fall 2025 semester, including 90 hours of theoretical study and 210 hours of practical training. Men would be required to take both the theoretical and practical courses, while women would attend practical training upon their request. Students who refuse to take the course will risk expulsion, and failure to complete the course will disqualify students from government jobs that require a higher education degree.[214]
United States
In the United States, the government weakened academic freedom and university autonomy and undermined equitable access to higher education. These efforts were not entirely new: as Free to Think has previously documented, the US has seen significant erosion of academic freedom since 2020, largely because of actions taken by elected officials at the state and local levels. However, the inauguration of President Donald Trump in January 2025 marked a turning point. From January 2025 onwards, the federal government exerted pressure on the US higher education sector through a combination of unilateral executive actions and policy and budgetary measures. Many of these actions were either clearly extralegal or pushed the boundaries of the law, and they appeared to be motivated by either a general animus toward higher education or a more specific hostility to pluralism and activities promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion, particularly related to race or gender identity. Even those policy and budgetary measures undertaken through legal channels were extraordinary in that they facilitated the dismantling of the research and knowledge production capabilities of the country. The 2024 AFI update, published in March 2025, highlighted declining levels of academic freedom in the US, and warned that developments since the beginning of 2025 gave “rise to serious concern regarding the future of academic freedom in the United States.”[215]

Figure 36: According to the AFi, academic freedom has declined significantly in the United States since 2020. While in 2019, the AFi rated the United States as “completely free,” (0.19), by 2024, the country was rated as “mostly free” (0.68).

Figure 37: According to the AFi, the biggest declines in academic freedom in the United States have been in the areas of freedom to teach and research, and institutional autonomy. In addition, the freedom of academic and cultural expression saw a significant decline from 2022–2024.
Actions Undermining University Autonomy
Almost immediately upon coming into office in January 2025, the administration issued a series of executive orders and agency actions affecting higher education, with little apparent concern for resulting harm to ongoing research or the American public. These included accelerated civil rights investigations;[216] more than 30 pieces of legislation related to higher education introduced during the first 75 days of the new administration;[217] and executive orders eliminating diversity, equity, and inclusion; gender equity programming; and prohibiting accreditors from setting diversity, equity, and inclusion standards.[218]
In addition, the federal government targeted specific higher education institutions with actions that seemed designed either to coerce them into acquiescence or to destroy their operational capacity.[219] In early March, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights notified 60 colleges and universities that they were under investigation for alleged violations relating to antisemitic harassment and discrimination.[220] This was followed by announcements that the government would freeze unrelated government grants and contracts to seven of the institutions listed—Columbia, Harvard, Cornell, Northwestern, Brown, Princeton, and the University of Pennsylvania[221]—for allegedly failing to respond properly to allegations of antisemitic and discriminatory conduct on campus. Notices to the institutions were vague and failed to follow normal procedures (which include statutorily prescribed periods for an institution to respond and resolve any deficiencies), suggesting bad faith (members of the administration and its supporters have long complained, without rigorous evidence, of liberal bias at elite institutions).[222] The Department of Justice, for example, rather than the Department of Education (which had traditionally been responsible for investigating alleged civil rights violations at the country’s colleges and universities), took on an unusually active and aggressive role in investigations (adding an implicit threat of civil or criminal sanctions). Some cases were resolved in months despite allegations that would previously have taken years to investigate, interview witnesses, receive and review responses and counter-witnesses, deliberate, and negotiate a resolution. In one example, the administration forced a settlement on the University of Virginia that included, as a demand by the government, the resignation of the university’s president, James Ryan.[223] In the two most highly publicized cases—Columbia and Harvard universities—the funding freeze announcements preceded the government’s sending each university a letter with a list of extraordinary demands, meaning the sanctions preceded any meaningful investigations. The demands included the removal of faculty control of an academic department; changes to curriculum, disciplinary policies, hiring and admissions; and expanded cooperation with law enforcement on immigration matters unrelated to higher education.
At the state level, as in previous years, elected officials signed into law bills or executive orders that eroded university autonomy, including in West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and Idaho.[224] These efforts accelerated during the first half of 2025. By July 2025, elected officials had introduced at least 136 pieces of legislation restricting diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in higher education institutions in 29 states, with 28 signed into law and another 28 approved by their state legislatures but either vetoed by the governor or not yet signed into law.[225] Almost half of these bills (13) were signed into law after January 2025. Like the federal orders, most state-level regulations used broad language and undefined terms that conflated discriminatory activity—which was already prohibited under Titles VI and IX of the federal Civil Rights Act, among other provisions—and nondiscriminatory research, teaching, or discussion of important and contested political, social, cultural, and economic issues concerning race, gender and sexuality, among other topics.
Both the federal and state actions directly shaped the behavior of universities and university systems, many of which preemptively took steps to avoid attracting negative attention from elected officials or their supporters; for example, removing the word “diversity” or other disfavored terms from their websites and changing the titles of or eliminating courses, positions, departments, and centers.[226] These actions often went beyond what was required by law,[227] demonstrating how easily the threat of investigations and funding cuts can undermine institutional autonomy.
Actions Undermining Academic Freedom
Beginning in January 2025, the US government introduced a series of measures to reduce federal research funding, often bypassing existing procedures and regulations.[228] These measures significantly undermined the academic freedom of individual scholars, inhibiting their ability to conduct vital research.[229] The measures included a freeze on federal grant payments and new grant awards;[230] indefinite pauses in the review of new funding proposals;[231] reductions in cost-recovery rates on existing grants (indirect costs rates);[232] and an intervention by the US Department of State to reject at the last minute up to a quarter of Fulbright Fellowship proposals that had already gone through the final stages of approval.[233] Colleges and universities responded to the uncertainty by cutting their expenses, reducing research staff, freezing hiring, and reducing the number of incoming doctoral students.[234]
The impact of the US government’s funding cuts went beyond the country’s borders. Cuts to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) affected higher education institutions doing HIV research, malaria, and vaccines in Africa;[235] programs for Afghan women to access higher education outside of their own country (see the section above on Afghanistan for more detail);[236] and scholarships for Egyptian students.[237] Universities in the United Kingdom, Australia, and Portugal also reported cuts in their US-funded projects.[238] In March 2025, overseas researchers with funding from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, USAID, and other US federal government sources received surveys that screened grants for disfavored topics. Among its questions, the survey asked respondents to confirm that their grants were not environmental justice projects and included no diversity, equity, and inclusion or “gender ideology” components, as well as that their organization had received no funding from China, Russia, Cuba, or Iran.[239]
As in previous Free to Think reports, scholars and students who engaged in disfavored speech found themselves at risk of disciplinary action; much of this occurred in the context of continuing heightened tensions on campus related to the ongoing Israeli military action in Gaza. While student protests occurred much less frequently than described in Free to Think 2024, students engaged in pro-Palestinian activism found their speech constrained. During the summer of 2024, students who had been involved in the campus protests the previous spring found themselves caught up in lengthy disciplinary processes,[240] and colleges and universities spent the summer developing new time, place, and manner policies for protests on their campuses.[241] As previously, the charge of antisemitism was levied against faculty members and students in ways that threatened academic freedom and free speech on campus. External groups, including Canary Mission, targeted critics of Israeli government policies, published their names, and accused them of antisemitism, flagging international students for potential deportation. The US government apparently used this information to target students for investigation.[242] For instance, Tufts University international student Rümeysa Öztürk appeared on Canary Mission’s website just weeks before being detained, arrested, and threatened with deportation, apparently on the sole basis of an op-ed she co-authored regarding the situation in Gaza (see below for more detail on the detention and attempted deportation of international students and scholars).[243]
Often under pressure from elected officials or external groups, university administrations disciplined faculty members and students protesting Israeli military actions in Gaza and cancelled events. Muhlenberg College took the unusual step of firing a tenured associate professor of anthropology, Maura Finkelstein, for a social media post she shared that was critical of Zionism. The American Association of University Professors (AAUP) later found that Muhlenberg had violated Finkelstein’s academic freedom.[244] During the fall of 2024, Harvard University libraries temporarily banned dozens of students and faculty from entering after they engaged in a series of silent study-ins protesting Israeli military action.[245] (The students had attached the signs to the backs of their computers and donned keffiyehs but otherwise sat silently in a library reading room.)
The reporting period also saw multiple attacks targeting pro-Israel expression. On September 24, 2024, protesters disrupted a talk by Simcha Rothman, a far-right member of the Israeli Knesset, at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, forcing the talk to be moved to Zoom.[246] On November 6, 2024, two masked attackers punched two students who were standing outside of the DePaul University student center with a sign reading, “Come talk about Israel with an IDF soldier.”[247]
Actions Undermining Equitable Access to Higher Education
Beginning in early 2025, the federal government engaged in a campaign to limit international students’ access to higher education in the US. This included an extralegal campaign to arrest, detain, and attempt to deport without due process several US-based, noncitizen scholars and students.[248] Rather than following normal procedures, immigration officials—frequently dressed in plain-clothes and sometimes wearing masks—arrested the students on public streets, from university housing, and on university campuses, without first notifying their universities. They then transported them, often at night, to sites that in some cases were over a thousand miles away, in an apparent attempt to place the case in a judicial venue more friendly to the administration. None of these individuals were charged with violating the terms of their visas or any other crime. Government officials indicated that they cancelled or revoked the visas and permits on the sole authority of executive officials, without advance notice and without any hearings or opportunity to contest the alleged factual basis. In a number of the cases, they relied on a rarely used law from 1798 intended for wartime enemies.[249] The absence of evidence of wrongdoing, coupled with statements from public officials condemning the detainees for their publicly expressed opinions, strongly suggested that these individuals were targeted not because they posed a threat to public safety, but merely for their views and expression.
Simultaneously, the government took broader action to prevent international students from studying in the US. This included the revocation of nearly 2,000 student visas (later reversed),[250] prompting many to leave the country fearing ending up in a Louisiana detention center;[251] the development of a new policy for termination of students’ legal residency status;[252] a temporary freeze of interviews for all new student visas;[253] and an announcement that the State Department would review the social media accounts of all student and scholar visa applicants.[254] International students comprise up to 50 percent of the student body at some institutions, and experts warned that a decline in their numbers could lead to the closure of many US colleges and universities.[255]
Federal government actions diminished access to higher education not just for foreign scholars and students, but also for US citizens and residents. In the face of the research cuts described above, universities froze, or even rescinded, graduate student admissions.[256] The federal budget bill signed into law on July 4, 2025, capped student loan amounts, eliminated multiple repayment options, and restricted eligibility for Pell grants, which are awarded to students with significant financial need, raising the cost of higher education and making it more difficult for low- and middle-income students to attend higher education. The bill also imposed a higher tax rate on colleges with endowments, making it more difficult for them to subsidize tuition and provide financial aid to students.
Higher Education Responses
As the US administration’s actions against higher education grew, many actors in the sector pushed back. Several higher education leaders prominently voiced their opposition to the government’s actions, pointing out how these actions would damage US research, economy, and global status.[257] They signed statements speaking out against the danger of unrestrained state interference in core administrative and educational functions.[258] Faculty and staff at individual universities began to organize, with faculty and university senates voting to join mutual academic defense compacts (MADCs), asking their administrations to commit resources to legal defense funds for faculty or students facing threats, and other collective responses.[259] By June 2025, more than 50 institutions had passed an MADC.[260] A number of institutions and associations – including the American Association of University Professors, the Association of American Universities, the American Council on Education, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the Association of Public and Land-Grant Universities – brought legal actions challenging the administration actions.[261] Many of these resulted in preliminary court orders reversing or placing the government’s actions on hold pending appeal or further proceedings; as of this writing none of the cases had been fully adjudicated on the merits. Even if these cases are successful in the long run, the normally slow pace of judicial review coupled with the government’s ongoing threats of investigations, funding reductions, visa restrictions, and other actions will force higher education leaders, scholars, and students to reevaluate their actions to mitigate near-term risks, inevitably resulting in a restriction on academic freedom, autonomy, and equitable access.
In sum, the recent US government actions threaten the financial operations of many colleges and universities. They weaken university autonomy, academic freedom, and equitable access, and will have profound implications for the health, wellbeing, and future prosperity of the American people. Taken together, they represent an unprecedented, voluntary dismantling of the US as a global education, research, and innovation superpower. They are creating an intellectual vacuum that universities and governments in Europe, Asia, and beyond are already exploiting, including by offering grants and fellowships to researchers, scholars, and students who previously would have made their careers in the US. If the government’s actions are not reversed or otherwise mitigated quickly, compounding generations of talent, innovation, and breakthroughs may be lost to the American people, to the benefit of other countries, if not lost altogether.
Zimbabwe
For decades, Zimbabwe’s government has systematically surveilled, arrested, and prosecuted students in connection with their nonviolent expressive activity, targeting in particular those affiliated with the Zimbabwe National Students Union (ZINASU). Universities, which are controlled by the state, have often disciplined students in connection to their expressive and associative activity. This pattern is reflected in Zimbabwe’s AFi rating of “severely restricted.”

Figure 38: According to the AFi, academic freedom was “severely restricted” (0.21) in Zimbabwe in 2024.

Figure 39: Academic freedom in Zimbabwe was limited across all indicators, with institutional autonomy score particularly low.
During the reporting period, government forces forcibly arrested, prosecuted, and allegedly tortured student leaders. Several cases occurred against the backdrop of a broader crackdown on dissent by Zimbabwe’s government ahead of the Southern African Development Community summit, which took place on August 17, 2024, in Harare, Zimbabwe.[262] On July 24, Zimbabwean police arrested several dozen students after the police were called to a ZINASU meeting. During the arrests, they beat unarmed students, breaking their bones. Emmanuel Sitima, ZINASU’s president, spent one night in police custody before being released on bail. He was charged with “criminal nuisance.”[263] On August 2, ZINASU president Sitima was arrested a second time, this time at the airport as he arrived home from attending that same conference.[264] According to Sitima, police raided ZINASU’s offices on August 7.[265]
Universities in Zimbabwe also disciplined student and teachers union leaders in apparent retaliation for their expressive activity and association. On February 25, 2025, Midlands State University suspended Takunda, along with four other students—Tanaka Sibanda, Nester Moyo, Fanuel Gona, and Keegan Mathe—for allegedly violating the university’s Rules of Student Conduct and Discipline by conducting a ZINASU recruitment drive. Mhuka was expelled after a disciplinary hearing on March 12.[266] On April 9, Great Zimbabwe University suspended Darlington Matola for making “disparaging remarks” against the university’s administration, after he criticized the university’s management on a WhatsApp group.[267]
In April 2025, lecturers at the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) went on strike to demand higher wages.[268] On May 12, police arrested six student leaders as they were participating in a spontaneous peace protest on campus in support of the lecturers. The students were objecting to the scheduling of end-of-semester exams, arguing that they could not take them because they had received no recent instruction. They demanded that the university resolve the situation by paying lecturers fairly. In July, UZ temporarily suspended all six students for their participation in the protest. The suspensions were reversed a few days later; the university informed the students that it had reconsidered its decision.[269] On June 26, UZ fired four Association of University Teacher (AUT) leaders for their role in leading lecturers’ strike.[270]
[1] See Katrin Kinzelbach, Ilyas Saliba, Janika Spannagel, and Robert Quinn, Free Universities: Putting the Academic Freedom Index into Action, March 11, 2021, https://www.gppi.net/2021/03/11/free-universities.
[2] SAR AFMP, Sheikh Zayed University, December 1, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-01-sheikh-zayed-university/.
[3] SAR AFMP, Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani University, December 15, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-15-sayed-jamaluddin-afghani-university/.
[4] Anonymous, “Now the Taliban is banning lecturers from pursuing higher study abroad,” Times Higher Education, December 2, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/opinion/now-taliban-banning-lecturers-pursuing-higher-study-abroad.
[5] Amin Kawa, “A 14% Cut That Erased Every Woman: Inside the Taliban’s Academic Purge,” Hasht e Subh, April 6, 2025, https://8am.media/eng/a-14-cut-that-erased-every-woman-inside-the-talibans-academic-purge/; Bais Hayat, “Taliban expand academic staff purge to western Afghanistan, sources say,” Amu TV, May 16, 2025, https://amu.tv/174502/; and Milad Sayer, Taliban dismiss more than 200 university staff in southeastern Afghanistan, sources say, Amu TV, May 14, 2025, https://amu.tv/173924/.
[6] Scholars at Risk (SAR), Academic Freedom Monitoring Project (AFMP), Bamiyan University May 11, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-11-bamyan-university/.
[7] SAR AFMP. Sheikh Zayed University. May 13, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-13-sheikh-zayed-university/.
[8] SAR AFMP. Country Wide. December 20, 2022. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2022-12-20-country-wide/.
[9] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. December 2, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-02-multiple-institutions/.
[10] Ayaz Gul, “Global outcry grows over new Taliban decree targeting Afghan women,” Voice of America, December 4, 2024, https://www.voanews.com/a/global-outcry-grows-over-new-taliban-decree-targeting-afghan-women/7887435.html.
[11] Yogita Limaye, “Afghan women who fled Taliban to study abroad face imminent return after USAID cuts, BBC, March 8, 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cg4k25wlw21o.
[12] Kabul Now, “US Ends Scholarship Funding for Over 200 Afghan Women, Leaving Students in Limbo, Kabul Now, April 9, 2025, https://kabulnow.com/2025/04/us-ends-scholarship-funding-for-over-200-afghan-women-leaving-students-in-limbo/; Yogita Limaye, “Reprieve for Afghan women students facing forced return after US aid cuts,” BBC, March 19, 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cwyd0l5w6l6o; and Aryn Baker, “‘They Will Label Us as Spies’: The Afghan Students Abandoned by America,” New York Times, March 30, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/30/world/asia/afghanistan-students-qatar-funding.html.
[13] Manija Mirzaie and Shadi Khan Saif, “US funding cuts, scholarship ban deal students a double blow,” University World News, May 1, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250430130443213.
[14] Rick Noack, “Trump’s foreign aid pause imperils education programs for Afghan women,” Washington Post, February 21, 2024, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2025/02/21/afghanistan-women-education-taliban-trump-foreign-aid/.
[15] Scholarships AF, “American University of Afghanistan resumes its online activity After Nawroz,” March 17, 2025, Scholarships AF, https://scholarships.af/82823/auaf-resumes-classes-after-funding-crisis/.
[16] Noack, “Trump’s foreign aid pause.”
[17] Freedom House. “Azerbaijan.” Freedom in the World 2025. https://freedomhouse.org/country/azerbaijan/freedom-world/2025.
[18] Human Rights Watch. “Azerbaijan: Escalating Crackdown on Critics.” Human Rights Watch, August 30, 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/08/30/azerbaijan-escalating-crackdown-critics/; and Helen Packer, “Calls to free Azerbaijani academic as climate summit kicks off,” Times Higher Education, November 13, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/calls-free-azerbaijani-academic-climate-summit-kicks.
[19] Amnesty International, “Azerbaijan: Academics Arrested on Fabricated Charges: Igbal Abilov and Bahruz Samadov.” Amnesty International, September 23, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur55/8554/2024/en/.
[20] SAR AFMP. Belarusian State University. July 22, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-22-belarusian-state-university/.
[21] Human Rights House Foundation. “Escalating Crackdown on Critics and Persistent Human Rights Violations in Azerbaijan.” Human Rights House Foundation, September 25, 2024, https://humanrightshouse.org/statements/escalating-crackdown-on-critics-and-persistent-human-rights-violations-in-azerbaijan/.
[22] Scholars at Risk, “Igbal Abilov, Azerbaijan,” Scholars at Risk, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/actions/igbal-abilov-azerbaijan/.
[23] Amnesty International. “Azerbaijan: Academics dealt long prison sentences on spurious charges, Amnesty International, June 26, 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur55/9545/2025/en/.
[24] United Nations. “Bangladesh: UN report finds brutal, systematic repression of protests, calls for justice for serious rights violations,” UN Office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights, February 12, 2025, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/bangladesh-un-report-finds-brutal-systematic-repression-protests-calls.
[25] Tazreena Sajjad, “Bangladesh’s protests explained: What led to PM’s ouster and the challenges that lie ahead, The Conversation, August 6, 2024, https://theconversation.com/bangladeshs-protests-explained-what-led-to-pms-ouster-and-the-challenges-that-lie-ahead-236190; and Sabir Mustafa, “Timeline of events leading to the resignation of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina,” Voice of America, August 5, 2024, https://www.voanews.com/a/timeline-of-events-leading-to-the-resignation-of-bangladesh-prime-minister-sheikh-hasina/7731456.html.
[26] Kamal Ahmed, “As Bangladesh boils over, Sheikh Hasina’s peril is of her own making, Himil, July 21, 2024, https://www.himalmag.com/politics/bangladesh-sheikh-hasina-awami-league-quota-protest-employment-razakar.
[27] See: https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/academic-freedom-monitoring-project-index/?_snk_keyword=&taxes%5Bregions%5D%5Bbangladesh%5D=on&_snk_dt%5Bshowall%5D=y.
[28] C. Rashaad Shabab, “Bangladesh’s students paid a high price for a freedom that may not last,” Times Higher Education, August 7, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/blog/bangladeshs-students-paid-high-price-freedom-may-not-last.
[29] SAR AFMP. Various Institutions. July 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-15-various/.
[30] SAR AFMP. Jahangirnagar University, July 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-15-jahangirnagar-university/.
[31] Daily Star, “Universities closed until further notice,” Daily Star, July 16, 2024, https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/quota-protest-live-updates-3658146.
[32] Amnesty International. “Bangladesh: Witness testimony, video and photographic analysis confirm police used unlawful force against protesters.” Amnesty International, July 17, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/07/bangladesh-witness-testimony-video-and-photographic-analysis-confirm-police-used-unlawful-force-against-protesters/.
[33] Julhas Alam, “5 killed and dozens injured in Bangladesh in violent clashes over government jobs quota, Associated Press, July 16, 2024, https://apnews.com/article/bangladesh-quota-violence-hasina-student-protests-c3982590332a1639c88a22257e20f7d2; and Julhas Alam, “Universities in Bangladesh shut their doors and authorities raid opposition HQ after deadly protests,” Associated Press, July 17, 2024 https://apnews.com/article/bangladesh-universities-close-hasina-quota-student-protest-77f82215bf8fce35f288ea39d812bcdb.
[34] SAR AFMP. Begum Rokeya University. July 16, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-16-begum-rokeya-university/.
[35] SAR AFMP. Military Institute of Science and Technology. July 18, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-18-military-institute-of-science-and-technology/.
[36] Md. Tahmid Zami, “Bangladesh’s internet shutdown isolates citizens, disrupts business,” Reuters, July 26, 2024, https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/bangladeshs-internet-shutdown-isolates-citizens-disrupts-business-2024-07-26/.
[37] C. Rashaad Shabab, “Bangladesh’s students paid a high price for a freedom that may not last,” Times Higher Education, updated August 7, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/blog/bangladeshs-students-paid-high-price-freedom-may-not-last.
[38] SAR AFMP, BRAC University, July 18, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-18-brac-university/.
[39] Mujib Mashal and Saif Hasnat. “After Protest Crackdown, Bangladesh Accuses Tens of Thousands of Crimes,” New York Times, July 30, 2024, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/30/world/asia/bangladesh-protests-charges-crime.html.
[40] SAR AFMP, Jagannath University, July 19, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-19-jagannath-university/.
[41] SAR AFMP, Dhaka University, July 19, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-19-dhaka-university-2/.
[42] SAR AFMP, Dhaka University, July 19, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-19-dhaka-university/.
[43] SAR AFMP, Dhaka University, July 20, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-20-dhaka-university/.
[44] SAR AFMP, Various Institutions, July 26, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-26-various-institutions/.
[45] SAR AFMP, Jagannath University, July 19, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-19-jagannath-university/.
[46] Mohiuddin Alamgir, “Students win jobs quota reform despite campus crackdown,” University World News, July 24 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240724204753725.
[47] SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, July 29, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-29-multiple-institutions-2/.
[48] Saif Hasnat and Andrés R. Martínez, “What We Know About the Ouster of Bangladesh’s Leader,” New York Times, August 5, 2024, https://www.nytimes.com/article/bangladesh-student-protests.html.
[49] Al Jazeera, “Muhammad Yunus takes oath as head of Bangladesh’s interim government,” Al Jazeera, August 8, 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/8/8/muhammad-yunus-takes-oath-as-head-of-bangladeshs-interim-government; and Mohiuddin Alamgir, “In historic first, students form part of interim government,” University World News, August 12, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240812163757270.
[50] Human Rights Watch. “After the Monsoon Revolution: A Roadmap to Lasting Security Sector Reform in Bangladesh’” Human Rights Watch, January 27, 2025. https://www.hrw.org/report/2025/01/27/after-monsoon-revolution/roadmap-lasting-security-sector-reform-bangladesh.
[51] Mohiuddin Alamgir, “Student group banned as criminal cases against members mount, University World News, October 30, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20241030151131344.
[52] Mehedi Hasan Marof, “Bangladesh’s new outcasts: Students from ex-PM Hasina’s party now in hiding,” Al Jazeera, October 27, 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/10/27/once-powerful-student-members-of-hasinas-party-bangladeshs-new-outcastes.
[53] SAR AFMP. Jahangirnagar University, September 18, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-18-jahangirnagar-university/.
[54] Mohiuddin Alamgir, “Campuses reopen but struggle to deal with political rifts,” University World News, September 27, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202409271205374; and Helen Packer, “What’s next for Bangladesh’s divisive student politics?”, Times Higher Education, August 19, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/whats-next-bangladeshs-divisive-student-politics.
[55] SAR AFMP. Chattogram Polytechnic College. November 21, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-21-chattogram-polytechnic-college/.
[56] SAR AFMP. Ananda Mohan College. January 12, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-12-ananda-mohan-college/.
[57] Maryia Rohava, “The triple challenge to academic freedom in Belarus: the impact of repression, ideological indoctrination, and isolation. 2020-2024,” in Academic Freedom in Belarus: State Repression and its Consequences at Home and Abroad, ed. Julia Meirau (Science at Risk Monitoring Report, 2024), https://science-at-risk.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/report_belarus_2024_print2-1.pdf.
[58] Rohava, 2025.
[59] Tereshkovich, 2024.
[60] Rohava, 2025.
[61] Belarusian Students Association, “Belarus academic community under siege: Here’s how to help,” University World News, June 11, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250611102011509.
[62] A. Lastouski, and P. A. Rudlin, “A Silent Death: The Destruction of Academic Scholarship in Belarus,” in A World Order in Transformation? : A Comparative Study of Consequences of the War and Reactions to These Changes in the Region (Stockholm, Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, 2024), https://sh.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1846696/FULLTEXT01.pdf#page=99, 101.
[63] Pavel Tereshkovich, “Current trends in the development of the education sector in the Republic of Belarus,” Belarus Research Network on Neighborhood Policy, 2024, https://belarusnetwork.org/publications/analytical-article-no-10-current-trends-in-the-development-of-the-education-sector-in-the-republic-of-belarus/.
[64] SAR, “Marfa Rabkova, Belarus,” Scholars at Risk, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/actions/marfa-rabkova-belarus/#Case%20Information.
[65] Maryia Rohava, “The triple challenge to academic freedom in Belarus: the impact of repression, ideological indoctrination, and isolation. 2020-2024,” in Academic Freedom in Belarus: State Repression and its Consequences at Home and Abroad, ed. Julia Meirau (Science at Risk Monitoring Report, 2024), https://science-at-risk.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/report_belarus_2024_print2-1.pdf.
[66] Rohava, 2025.
[67] SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, July 1, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-01-multiple-institutions/.
[68] SAR AFMP, September 13, 2024, Belarusian State Medical University, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-13-belarusian-statemedical-university/.
[69] Daniel Fu, “Xi Jinping’s Ideologization of the Chinese Academy.” The Diplomat, June 22, 2024, https://thediplomat.com/2024/06/xi-jinpings-ideologization-of-the-chinese-academy/; and Freedom House, “China,” Freedom in the World, 2025, https://freedomhouse.org/country/china/freedom-world/2025.
[70] Amber Wang and Yojana Sharma, “China expands tie-ups with global partners, including US,” University World News, May 23, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250523133930870; and Helen Packer, “China hopes for increased cross-border scientific collaboration,” Times Higher Education, January 24, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/china-hopes-increased-cross-border-scientific-collaboration.
[71] Adam Ruzicka, “China is successfully trying to silence universities. It’s a huge problem, says expert,” Aktualne, March 23, 2025, https://zpravy.aktualne.cz/cina-se-uspesne-snazi-umlcet-univerzity-je-to-obrovsky-probl/r~6c209296065c11f0b589ac1f6b220ee8.
[72] SAR Scholars in Prison Project, Rahile Dawut, China, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/actions/rahile-dawut-china/#Case%20Information.
[73] SAR AFMP, Central University Nationalities, January 15, 2014, www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2014-01-15-central-university-nationalities/.
[74] SAR AFMP, October 4, 2018, Unaffiliated, www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2018-10-04-unaffiliated/.
[75] SAR AFMP, January 29, 2018, Xinjiang Pedagogical University, www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2018-01-29-xinjiang-pedagogical-university/.
[76] Human Rights Watch. “We Can’t Write the Truth Anymore.” Human Rights Watch, September 24, 2024. https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/09/24/we-cant-write-truth-anymore/academic-freedom-hong-kong-under-national-security-0.
[77] Yojana Sharma, “Political science: An ‘endangered species’ in Hong Kong,” University World News, September 12, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240912115237227.
[78] Freedom House. “Colombia.” Freedom in the World, 2024. https://freedomhouse.org/country/colombia/freedom-world/2024.
[79] SAR AFMP. University of Antioquia, September 13, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-13-university-of-antioquia/.
[80] SAR AFMP. Colegio Mayor de Cundinamarca University. September 26, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-26-colegio-mayor-de-cundinamarca-university/.
[81] SAR AFMP, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, December 10, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-10-universidad-nacional-de-colombia/.
[82] SAR AFMP, National Pedagogical University, March 27, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-27-national-pedagogical-university/.
[83] SAR AFMP, University of Antioquia, April 30, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-30-university-of-antioquia/.
[84] SAR AFMP, University of Antioquia, June 6, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-06-university-of-antioquia/.
[85] Giorgi Meladze and Nana Shamatava, Universities at the centre of national democracy struggles,” University World News, March 12, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202503110907119.
[86] Nils Adler, “Angered by Georgia’s ‘foreign agent’ law, young protesters try new tactic,” Al Jazeera, July 1, 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/1/angered-by-georgias-foreign-agent-law-gen-x-protesters-try-new-tactic.
[87] Marc Goedemans, “What Georgia’s Foreign Agent Law Means for Its Democracy,” Council on Foreign Relations, August 21, 2024, https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/what-georgias-foreign-agent-law-means-its-democracy.
[88] Josephine Hale, “Georgia’s October 2024 Protests: Exposing the Dangers of Power Consolidation and Pro-Putin Corruption,” Democracy Erosion Consortium, February 13, 2024, https://democratic-erosion.org/2025/02/13/georgias-october-2024-protests-exposing-the-dangers-of-power-consolidation-and-pro-putin-corruption/.
[89] JAM News, “Student protests in Batumi spark solidarity across Georgian universities,” JAM News, November 15, 2024, https://jam-news.net/student-protests-in-batumi-spark-solidarity-across-georgian-universities/.
[90] Giorgi Meladze and Nana Shamatava, “Universities at the centre of national democracy struggles,” University World News, March 12, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202503110907119; Aino Mielo, “En aio totella tätä lakia tai sensuroida itseäni” – georgialaiset yliopistot lakkoilevat vastauksena maan Venäjä-mielisen hallituksen toimille [“I will not obey this law or censor myself” – Georgian universities strike in response to the country’s pro-Russian government]. Hämeen Sanomat, December 3, 2024, 3).https://www.hameensanomat.fi/uutissuomalainen/8112298; JAM News, “Student protests in Batumi spark solidarity across Georgian universities,” JAM News, November 15, 2024, https://jam-news.net/student-protests-in-batumi-spark-solidarity-across-georgian-universities/; and OC Media. “‘Our voice is heard the loudest from here’: Georgia’s students occupy their universities,” OC Media, March 11, 2025, https://oc-media.org/our-voice-is-heard-the-loudest-from-here-georgias-students-occupy-their-universities/.
[91] Emily Dixon, “Georgian scholars fear reforms will entrench government control,” Times Higher Education, January 27, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/georgian-scholars-fear-reforms-will-entrench-government-control; and Louis Titz, “Georgian Students at the ’Front Line’ : Three Months of Struggle for Europe,” The New Federalist, February 25, 2025, https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/georgian-students-at-the-front-line-three-months-of-struggle-for-europe?lang=fr.
[92] OC Media, “Students at Tbilisi’s Theatre and Film University end their sit-in,” OC Media, March 10, 2025, https://oc-media.org/students-at-tbilisis-theatre-and-film-university-end-their-sit-in/.
[93] Amnesty International, “Georgia: Protesters face arrests, abuse, and denial of fair trial rights,” Amnesty International, December 2, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/12/georgia-protesters-face-arrests-abuse-and-denial-of-fair-trial-rights/; Zviad, “’We have practically lost’: Georgian student reveals brutal reality behind 128 days of protests,” Euromaidan, April 4, 2025, https://euromaidanpress.com/2025/04/04/we-have-practically-lost-georgian-student-reveals-brutal-reality-behind-128-days-of-protests/; and Giorgi Meladze and Nana Shamatava, “Universities at the centre of national democracy struggles,” University World News, March 12, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202503110907119.
[94] SAR AFMP. Tbilisi State University. November 19, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-19-tbilisi-state-university/.
[95] Louis Titz, “Georgian Students at the ’Front Line’ : Three Months of Struggle for Europe,” The New Federalist, February 25, 2025, https://www.thenewfederalist.eu/georgian-students-at-the-front-line-three-months-of-struggle-for-europe?lang=fr; and Giorgi Meladze and Nana Shamatava, “Universities at the centre of national democracy struggles,” University World News, March 12, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202503110907119.
[96] Emily Dixon, “Georgian scholars fear reforms will entrench government control,” Times Higher Education, January 27, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/georgian-scholars-fear-reforms-will-entrench-government-control.
[97] Emily Dixon, “Eastern European scholars stuck between Brussels hope and Kremlin,” Times Higher Education, November 6, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/eastern-european-scholars-stuck-between-brussels-hope-and-kremlin; and Shota Kincha, “Georgia’s Education Ministry withholds full accreditation from Ilia State University,” OC Media, October 1, 2024, https://oc-media.org/georgias-education-ministry-withholds-full-accreditation-from-ilia-state-university/.
[98] Giorgi Meladze and Nana Shamatava, “Universities at the centre of national democracy struggles,” University World News, March 12, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=202503110907119; and Civil Georgia, “Kobakhidze Announces State Commission to Reform Universities,” Civil Georgia, January 20, 2025, https://civil.ge/archives/653796.
[99] Jan-Martin Wiarda (2025, March 13). “Nicht mehr internationale Spitze” [“No longer international top]. Blog Post. https://www.jmwiarda.de/2025/03/13/nicht-mehr-internationale-spitze/.
[100] SAR AFMP. University of Leipzig. December 1, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-12-01-university-of-leipzig/.
[101] SAR AFMP. Ludwig Maximillion University. January 31, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-31-ludwig-maximilian-university/.
[102] SAR AFMP. Free University Berlin. February 12, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-12-free-university-of-berlin/.
[103] Emily Dixon, “‘Sense of unease’ for overseas students in Germany amid AfD rise,” Times Higher Education, March 16, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/sense-unease-overseas-students-germany-amid-afd-rise.
[104] Emily Dixon, “What could the rise of the AfD mean for German universities?” Times Higher Education, February 21, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/features/what-could-rise-afd-mean-german-universities.
[105] Team Clarion, “Jamia Millia Students Up in Arms Over Ban on Protests, Sloganeering,” Clarion India, December 2, 2024, https://clarionindia.net/jamia-millia-students-up-in-arms-over-ban-on-protests-sloganeering/.
[106] Nabeel Kolothumthodi, “Higher Education: How Centre is Undermining State Autonomy & Politicising UGC,” News Click, April 25, 2025, https://www.newsclick.in/higher-education-how-centre-undermining-state-autonomy-politicising-ugc.
[107] Helen Packer, “New rules for Indian vice-chancellor hires ‘disastrous’,” Times Higher Education, January 19, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/new-rules-indian-vice-chancellor-hires-disastrous; Sandhya Devesan, “Why the UGC Draft Regulations Amount to a Fresh Assault on Academic Freedoms,” The Wire, February 5, 2025, https://thewire.in/education/why-the-ugc-draft-regulations-amount-to-a-fresh-assault-on-academic-freedoms; and Nabeel Kolothumthodi, “How Centre is Undermining State Autonomy and Politicising UGC,” News Click, April 4, 2025, https://www.newsclick.in/higher-education-how-centre-undermining-state-autonomy-politicising-ugc.
[108] Helen Packer, “‘Bleak future’ for Kerala universities as political spats rage on,” Times Higher Education, March 7, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/bleak-future-kerala-universities-political-spats-rage.
[109] Johanna Deeksha, “How the government undercut TISS over the past decade,” Scroll.in, August 21, 2024, https://scroll.in/article/1072240/how-the-government-undercut-tiss-over-the-past-decade.
[110] SAR AFMP, South Asian University, July 27, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-27-south-asian-university/; Committee of Concerned Scientists, “Sri Lankan Professor of Sociology Leaves South Asian University After Launching Politically Motivated Investigation into his PhD Student’s Proposal,” Committee of Concerned Scientists, September 12, 2024, https://concernedscientists.org/2024/09/sri-lankan-professor-of-sociology-leaves-south-asian-university-after-launching-politically-motivated-investigation-into-his-phd-students-proposal/; and Helen Packer, “Professor departs South Asian University after Modi criticism row,” Times Higher Education, August 7, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/professor-departs-south-asian-university-after-modi-criticism-row.
[111] Abhik Deb, “‘Unfair considerations?’: 26 scientists express concern about new process for prestigious award,” Scroll.in, September 17, 2024, https://scroll.in/article/1073359/unfair-considerations-26-scientists-express-concern-about-new-process-for-prestigious-award.
[112] Pallavi Smart, “TISS revises honour code: Bans participation in ‘anti-establishment’, ‘unpatriotic’ discussions,” Indian Express, September 4, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/revised-honour-code-for-tiss-students-bans-unpatriotic-anti-establishment-discussions-9548808/.
[113] Musab Qazi, “Mumbai University Issues Circular Prohibiting Campus Protests Without Permission, Student Organisations Cry Foul,” The Free Press Journal, September 24, 2024, https://www.freepressjournal.in/education/mumbai-university-issues-circular-prohibiting-campus-protests-without-permission-student-organisations-cry-foul.
[114] Team Clarion, “Jamia Millia Students Up in Arms Over Ban on Protests, Sloganeering,” Clarion India, December 2, 2024, https://clarionindia.net/jamia-millia-students-up-in-arms-over-ban-on-protests-sloganeering/; and Tribune News Service, “Jamia Millia Islamia issues ban on protests sans prior approval,” The Tribune India, December 2, (2024, https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/delhi/jamia-millia-islamia-issues-ban-on-protests-sans-prior-approval/.
[115] India Today News Desk, “Telangana university bans protest on campus, BJP calls it ‘undeclared emergency’,” India Today, March 16, 2025, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/telangana-university-bans-protest-on-campus-bjp-calls-it-undeclared-emergency-2694175-2025-03-16.
[116] SAR AFMP. Delhi University. August 21, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-21-delhi-university/.
[117] Saher Hiba Khan, “Court Stays Delhi Univ Student’s Expulsion Over Slogan On A Wall, But Crackdown On Student Dissent Grows Nationwide,” Article 14, December 10, 2024, https://article-14.com/post/court-stays-delhi-univ-student-s-expulsion-over-slogan-on-a-wall-but-crackdown-on-student-dissent-grows-nationwide–6757a96cb8439.
[118] SAR AFMP. Rajasthan University. July 18, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-18-rajasthan-university/.
[119] SAR AFMP. Rajasthan University, August 7, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-07-rajasthan-university/.
[120] SAR AFMP. University of Hyderabad. March 30, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-30-university-of-hyderabad/.
[121] SAR AFMP. University of Hyderabad. April 2, 2025. .https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-02-university-of-hyderabad/.
[122] SAR AFMP. Ambedekar University. April 11, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-11-ambedkar-university-delhi/.
[123] SAR AFMP. March 11, 2025. Himachal Pradesh University. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-11-himachal-pradesh-university/.
[124] Abid Hussain, “Pahalgam attack: A simple guide to the Kashmir conflict,” Al Jazeera, May 2, 2025, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/5/2/pahalgam-attack-a-simple-guide-to-the-kashmir-conflict.
[125] Umer Farooq and Ilhak Tantray, “Amid over 17 attacks, Kashmiri Students Abandon Studies or Live in Fear,” Kashmir Times, April 30, 2025, https://kashmirtimes.com/news/kashmiri-students-abandon-studies-or-live-in-fear; and Wire Staff, “In Photos: Protest in Srinagar Calls For End to Harassment of Kashmiri Students Across Country,” The Wire, April 30, 2025, https://thewire.in/rights/in-photos-protest-in-srinagar-calls-for-end-to-harassment-of-kashmiri-students-across-country.
[126] Press Trust of India, “Delhi University under Fire for Asking Only Kashmiri Students for Personal Details; JKSA Calls Move Discriminatory, Seeks Centre’s Intervention,” Times of India, May 7, 2025, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/education/news/delhi-university-under-fire-for-asking-only-kashmiri-students-for-personal-details-jksa-calls-move-discriminatory-seeks-centres-intervention/articleshow/120948548.cms.
[127] SAR AFMP, Sinhgad Academy of Engineering, May 9, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-09-sinhgad-academy-of-engineering/.
[128] SAR AFMP, Ashoka University, May 18, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-18-ashoka-university/.
[129] UN OHCHR. Iran intensifying efforts to repress women and girls on second anniversary of nation-wide protests, UN Fact-Finding Mission says. September 13, 2024. https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/09/iran-intensifying-efforts-repress-women-and-girls-second-anniversary-nation.
[130] Iran International, “Swedish-Iranian academic faces imminent execution in Iran, Amnesty warns,” Iran International, July 10, 2024, https://www.iranintl.com/en/202407099581; Dagens Nyheter, “Djalali’s health has deteriorated significantly: ‘Do something before it’s too late’,” Dagens Nyheter, July 3, 2025, https://www.dn.se/sverige/djalalis-halsa-kraftigt-forsamrad-gor-nagot-innan-det-ar-for-sent/; and Committee on Academic Freedom, Letter protesting the ongoing unjust incarceration of Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, Middle East Studies Association, March 6, 2025, https://mesana.org/advocacy/committee-on-academic-freedom/2025/03/06/letter-protesting-the-ongoing-unjust-incarceration-of-dr.-ahmadreza-djalali.
[131] Sweden Herald, “Ahmadreza Djalali Suffers Heart Attack in Iranian Prison, Life at Risk,” Sweden Herald, May 9, 2025, https://swedenherald.com/article/swedishiranian-researcher-ahmadreza-djalali-suffers-heart-attack-in-prison.
[132] Middle East Studies Association. Letter expressing alarm regarding the imminent risk of execution of Ahmadreza Djalali, Iranian-Swedish scholar on death row in Iran. June 30, 2025, https://mesana.org/advocacy/committee-on-academic-freedom/2025/06/30/letter-expressing-alarm-regarding-the-imminent-risk-of-execution-of-ahmadreza-djalali-iranian-swedish-scholar-on-death-row-in-iran; Iran Human Rights, “Concerns Over Imminent Execution of Ahmadreza Djalali Amid Transfer of Political Prisoners From Evin Prison,” June 23, 2025, https://iranhr.net/en/articles/7681/; and Amnesty International, “Iran: Growing fears over torture and executions of individuals accused of ‘espionage’ for Israel,” Amnesty International, June 20, 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/06/iran-growing-fears-over-torture-and-executions-of-individuals-accused-of-espionage-for-israel/.
[133] Margherita Stancati, “Israel Struck a Notorious Iranian Prison. Its Inmates Are Paying a Price,” Wall Street Journal, July 14. 2025, https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/israel-iran-tehran-evin-prison-be85fa9a.
[134] Michele Catanzaro, “Iran elects heart surgeon as president: scientists are hopeful,” Nature, July 9 , 2024, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-024-02262-3; Ali Arab, Rana Dadpour, Shideh Dashti, and Encieh Erfani, “Iran’s presidential election is no breakthrough for reform or for science,” Nature, August 20, 2024; and Ali Arab, Rana Dadpour, Shideh Dashti, and Encieh Erfani, “Presidential Election in Iran: A Reality Check,” International Community of Iranian Academics, n.d., https://drive.google.com/file/d/1inOKaf3-_ibhGQNAPCeCIw-gvkj07DXK/view.
[135] Iran International, “Cabinet choices signal dark days ahead for Iran’s academia,” Iran International, August 15, 2024, https://www.iranintl.com/en/202408144109.
[136] Shafigeh Shirazi, “Calls to reinstate students, professors fall on deaf ears,” University World News, October 3, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20241003124507222.
[137] Roohola Ramezani, “Iran’s brain drain will not be stemmed by repression,” Times Higher Education, December 13, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/blog/irans-brain-drain-will-not-be-stemmed-repression; and Jubin Katiraie, “Wave of Faculty Exodus Reaches Iran’s Major Universities,” Iran Focus, March 26, 2025, https://iranfocus.com/iran/53790-wave-of-faculty-exodus-reaches-irans-major-universities/.
[138] SAR AFMP. Islamic Azad University. November 3, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-03-islamic-azad-university/.
[139] SAR AFMP. University of Tehran. February 15, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-15-univerity-of-tehran/; Iran International, “IRAN: Protests persist over death of Iranian university student,” Iran International, February 15, 2025, https://www.iranintl.com/en/202502152909; and Iran International, “IRAN: Protests persist over death of Iranian university student,” Iran International, February 15, 2025, https://www.iranintl.com/en/202502152909.
[140] Rachel Fieldhouse, “Escalating Israel–Iran conflict damages science labs,” Nature, June 17, 2025, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-025-01915-1.
[141] Jenna Jordan and Rachel Whitlark, “Nuclear scientists have long been targets in covert ops – Israel has brought that policy out of the shadows, “The Conversation, June 19, 2025, https://theconversation.com/nuclear-scientists-have-long-been-targets-in-covert-ops-israel-has-brought-that-policy-out-of-the-shadows-259263; John Leicester, “Israel killed at least 14 scientists in an unprecedented attack on Iran’s nuclear know-how,” Associated Press, June 24, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/israel-iran-nuclear-science-attacks-e298f00ba261debba4499a48c9df8b3d; and Institute for Science and International Security, “Significance of the Targeted Nuclear Scientists in the 12-Day War,” July 15, 2025, https://isis-online.org/isis-reports/significance-of-the-targeted-nuclear-scientists-in-the-12-day-war.
[142] Roohola Ramezani, “Israel’s strikes have sent shockwaves through Iran’s academic community,” Times Higher Education, June 27, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/opinion/israels-strikes-have-sent-shockwaves-through-irans-academic-community.
[143] Manija Mirzaie, “Afghan academics, students fleeing Iran face bleak future, University World News, July 25, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250702181302973; Shafigeh Shirazi and Shuriah Niazi, “Foreign students flee Tehran as campuses adopt ‘war footing’,” University World News, June 19, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250619014857263; and Angela Mary Thomas, “’Will we live?’: Indian medical students trapped in Iran plead for a way out as conflict escalates,” Edex, June 14, 2025, https://www.edexlive.com/news/2025/Jun/14/will-we-live-indian-medical-students-trapped-in-iran-plead-for-a-way-out-as-war-escalates-israel.
[144] Arezou Rezvani, “Iran cracking down on people suspected of aiding Israel in war last month, NPR, July 2, 2025, https://www.npr.org/2025/07/03/nx-s1-5450291/iran-cracking-down-on-people-suspected-of-aiding-israel-in-war-last-month; And Reuters, “Iran intensifies internal security crackdown with executions and mass arrests,” The Guardian, June 25, 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jun/25/iran-intensifies-internal-security-crackdown-with-executions-and-mass-arrests.
[145] SAR AFMP. Tehran University of Medical Science. June 14, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-14-tehran-university-of-medical-science/.
[146] SAR AFMP. Institute for Humanities and Cultural Studies. June 15, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-15-institute-for-humanities-and-cultural-studies/.
[147] See, e.g., Padone, “Physical university in ‘liberated’ area continues to expand,” University World News, December 10, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20241210155255366. Kiana Duncan, “In divided Myanmar, graduates of a parallel education system struggle for recognition,” Radio Free Asia, December 11, 2024, https://www.rfa.org/english/myanmar/2024/12/12/myanmar-nug-university-12122024/; Helen Packer, “No education ‘better than oppressive one’ for Myanmar students,” Times Higher Education, September 2, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/no-education-better-oppressive-one-myanmar-students; and Tuang Za Kha, “The Academic Brain Drain Since Myanmar’s Military Coup,” The Diplomat, August 27, 2024, https://thediplomat.com/2024/08/the-academic-brain-drain-since-myanmars-military-coup/.
[148] SAR AFMP. University of Technology, Yatanarpon Cyber City. August 7, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-07-university-of-technology-yatanarpon-cyber-city/.
[149] UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Nicaragua: UN Experts document serious human rights violations targeting university sector in new report. Press Release. November 8, 2024, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/11/nicaragua-un-experts-document-serious-human-rights-violations-targeting.
[150] Katrin Kinzelbach, Staffan I. Lindberg, Lars Lott, and Angelo Vito Panaro. Academic Freedom Index 2025 Update. FAU Erlangen-Nürnberg and V-Dem Institute. 2025. doi:10.25593/open-fau-1637.
[151] SAR AFMP. Benue State Polytechnic, Ugbokolo. July 11, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-11-benue-state-polytechnic-ugbokolo/
[152] SAR AFMP. University of Jos and University of Maiduguri. August 15, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-15-university-of-jos-and-university-of-maiduguri/
[153] SAR AFMP. Enugu State College of Health Technology. August 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-15-enugu-state-college-of-health-technology/
[154] SAR AFMP. Joseph Sarwan Tarka University, Makurdi. February 25, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-25-joseph-sarwan-tarka-university/
[155] SAR AFMP. Federal University Dutsin-Ma. March 2, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-02-federal-university-dutsin-ma/
[156] SAR AFMP. Federal University Dutsin-Ma. March 18, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-18-federal-university-of-dutsin-ma/
[157] SAR AFMP. Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic. March 17, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-17-akwa-ibom-state-polytechnic/
[158] Glorious Olajire, “Beyond the Placards: The Reality of Nigerian Youths Participation in Protests,” Campus Reporter, January 20, 2025, .https://campusreporter.africa/beyond-the-placards-the-reality-of-nigerian-youths-participation-in-protests/
[159] Ibid.
[160] Paul Cochrane, “90,000 students have lost access to HE in Gaza – Academic,” University World News, January 16, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250116095244357; and Katrina Miller, “The Plight of the Palestinian Scientist,” New York Times, December 10, 2024, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/12/10/science/palestinian-scientists-gaza-west-bank.html.
[161] Juliette Rowsell, (2025, February 6). “War damage to endure, but Gazan universities ‘must be rebuilt’,” Times Higher Education, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/war-damage-endure-gazan-universities-must-be-rebuilt.
[162] Middle East Studies Association. Letter to protest the intensification of Israel’s assaults on the education sector in the occupied West Bank. June 23, 2025, https://mesana.org/advocacy/committee-on-academic-freedom/2025/06/23/letter-to-protest-the-intensification-of-israels-assaults-on-the-education-sector-in-the-occupied-west-bank.
[163] Scholars at Risk, Gomel University, September 9, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-09-agriculture-university/.
[164] SAR AFMP. Quaid-e-Azam University. February 2, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-02-quaid-e-azam-university/.
[165] Scholars at Risk, Punjab University, University of Lahore, Superior University, October 10, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-10-punjab-university-university-of-lahore-and-superior-university/.
[166] Scholars at Risk, Multiple Institutions, October 16, 2024, https://www.sc holarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-16-multiple-institutions/.
[167] SAR AFMP. University of Balochistan. May 29, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-29-university-of-balochistan/.
[168] SAR AFMP. Khuzdar University. May 24, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-24-khuzdar-university/.
[169] Scholars at Risk, Punjab University, August 24, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-08-24-punjab-university/.
[170] SAR AFMP. Unaffiliated. January 21, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-21-unaffiliated/.
[171] SAR AFMP. Unaffiliated. January 27, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-27-unaffiliated/. SAR AFMP. Unaffiliated. January 29, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-29-unaffiliated/.
[172] Scholars at Risk, Punjab Group of Colleges, October 14, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-14-punjab-group-of-colleges-lahore/.
[173] Scholars at Risk, Punjab Group of Colleges, October 16, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-16-punjab-group-of-colleges/.
[174] Scholars at Risk, Punjab Group of Colleges, October 16, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-17-punjab-group-of-colleges/.
[175] Scholars at Risk, Quaid-e-Azam University, September 29, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-29-quaid-e-azam-university/.
[176] Sergei Goryashko and Sean Seddon, “Russian hypersonic scientist jailed for treason,” BBC, September 3, 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjw3gdxed60o.
[177] SAR AFMP. Khristianovich Institute of Theoretical and Applied Mechanics. September 3, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-03-khristianovich-institute-of-theoretical-and-applied-mechanics/.
[178] SAR AFMP. St. Petersburg State University of Telecommunications. February 14, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-15-st-petersburg-state-university-of-telecommunications/
[179] Alyona Lobankova, “’My own classmates turned me in’: How Russian universities are cracking down on anti-war activists,” The Insider, January 4, 2025, https://theins.ru/en/society/277684.
[180] A UWN Reporter, “New law hands control over student numbers to government,” University World News, May 30, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250529202925924.
[181] Global Voices, “University unexpectedly closes political science department,” University World News, July 13, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240713151123237#:~:text=Global%20Voices%20translated%20and%20republished,Institute%20and%20the%20Kennan%20Institute.
[182] Ibid.
[183] SAR AFMP. Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies. June 5, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-05-association-for-slavic-east-european-and-eurasian-studies/.
[184] David Matthews, “Publication data sees Russian science increasingly isolated,” Science|Business, March 16, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/news/fnw/publication-data-sees-russian-science-increasingly-isolated; and Nicholas Fenton and Alexander Kolyandr, “Down But Not Out: The Russian Economy Under Western Sanctions,” Center for Strategic and International Studies, April 11, 2025, https://www.csis.org/analysis/down-not-out-russian-economy-under-western-sanctions.
[185] Ilya Matveev and Evgeny Roshchin, “Insights from Russia on Academic Freedom During War,” American Association of University Professors, 2025, https://www.aaup.org/article/insights-russia-academic-freedom-during-war.
[186] Eldar Emric, “Serbia’s students lead Danube bridge blockades as protest draws tens of thousands calling for change,” AP News, February 1, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-protest-students-blockade-bridges-ae5e665a4e1fde8196ff8283e76a9c1c; and Sanja Kljajic, “How Serbia’s student protesters organize fight for justice,” DW, February 16, 2025, https://www.dw.com/en/how-serbias-student-protesters-organize-fight-for-justice/a-71608717.
[187] Dusan Stojanovic, “Daily anti-corruption protests are rattling Serbia’s leader. What might come next?,” AP News, January 29, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-protests-students-vucic-25de4c2730b3e72609da3c9aaf99f99f; and Csongor Körömi and Šejla Ahmatović, “Serbia’s government resigns as Vučić floats idea of fresh elections,” Politico, March 19, 2025, https://www.politico.eu/article/serbia-government-resign-milos-vucevic-aleksandar-vucic-floats-new-elections/.
[188] Emily Dixon, “Serbia protests ‘about protecting present and future’, students say,” Times Higher Education, February 3, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/serbia-protests-about-protecting-present-and-future-students-say.
[189] Mićo Tatalović and Nenad Jarić Daunhauer, “Serbian universities feel the strain as student protests enter fourth month,” Science | Business, February 20, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/news/partnerships/serbian-universities-feel-strain-student-protests-enter-fourth-month.
[190] Jovana Karaulić, “When academia stands up: Serbia’s higher education under siege,” The Progressive Post, May 27, 2025, https://feps-europe.eu/when-academia-stands-up-serbias-higher-education-under-siege.
[191] Associated Press, “Serbians march in 4 cities against government pressure and hate speech,” AP News, March 31, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-protest-marches-university-students-e1ceec45481b358d0f9ba4a75aeb9915; Associated Press, “Thousands brave heavy rain to protest Serbia’s crackdown on universities,” Associated Press, May 23, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-students-protests-crackdown-universities-a3dda82a89c991122127337f68106271; and Marta Szpala, “Students vs the system – protest strategies in Serbia,” OSW Centre for Eastern Studies, May 21, 2025, https://www.osw.waw.pl/en/publikacje/osw-commentary/2025-05-21/students-vs-system-protest-strategies-serbia.
[192] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. March 15, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-15-multiple-institutions-2/.
[193] Emily Dixon, “Serbia appoints ‘harmful’ new education minister amid protests, “Times Higher Education, April 27, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/serbia-appoints-harmful-new-education-minister-amid-protests.
[194] Amnesty International. “Serbia: Authorities must end unlawful use of force against protesters and investigate reports of police violence.” Amnesty International, July 4, 2025, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/07/serbia-authorities-must-end-unlawful-use-of-force-against-protesters-and-investigate-reports-of-police-violence/; and Jovana Gec (AP), “Massive anti-government protest in Serbia’s capital leads to dozens of arrests,” PBS, June 29, 2025, https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/massive-anti-government-protest-in-serbias-capital-leads-to-dozens-of-arrests.
[195] AFMP. University of Arts in Belgrade. November 22, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-22-university-of-arts-in-belgrade/.
[196] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. January 16, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-16-multiple-institutions/.
[197] AFMP. Multiple Institutions. January 24, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-24-multiple-institutions/.
[198] AP, “Thousands brave heavy rain to protest Serbia’s crackdown on universities,” Associated Press, May 23, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/serbia-students-protests-crackdown-universities-a3dda82a89c991122127337f68106271; Mićo Tatalović, “Serbia’s academics call for research chapter in EU accession process to be reopened,” Science | Business, May 14, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/news/research-and-innovation-gap/serbias-academics-call-research-chapter-eu-accession-process-be; Sanja Kljajic, “Serbia’s protesting students, teachers remain defiant,” DW, March 13, 2025, https://www.dw.com/en/serbias-protesting-students-teachers-remain-defiant/video-71914973; Vreme, “Vučić’s potato for professors: Canceled salaries at universities,” Vreme, March 21, 2025, https://vreme.com/en/vesti/vucicev-krompir-za-profesore-ukinute-plate-na-univerzitetima/; and Boban Karović, “Turbulence in higher education: Professors without salaries, inspections at faculties,” NIN, March 27, 2025, https://www.nin.rs/english/news/72425/professors-without-salaries-inspection-at-universities-turmoil-in-higher-education.
[199] Mićo Tatalović, “Serbia’s academics call for research chapter in EU accession process.”
[200] Mićo Tatalović, “Serbia’s academics outraged over limits to research, disappointed by EU response,” Science | Business, April 22, 2025, https://sciencebusiness.net/news/research-and-innovation-gap/serbias-academics-outraged-over-limits-research-disappointed-eu; and Jelena Tušup, “OTKRIVAMO Tekst inicijative profesora Ustavnom sudu za obaranje Uredbe kojom im Vlada nezakonito smanjuje plate [WE REVEAL the text of the professor’s initiative to the Constitutional Court to overturn the Decree by which the Government illegally reduces their salaries],” Nova.rs, March 26, 2025, https://nova.rs/vesti/drustvo/otkrivamo-tekst-inicijative-profesora-ustavnom-sudu-za-obaranje-uredbe-kojom-im-vlada-nezakonito-smanjuje-plate/.
[201] Katarina Baletic, “Serbian Police Enter University Faculty, Detain Journalist, in Protest Clampdown,” Balkan Insight, April 11, 2025, https://balkaninsight.com/2025/04/11/serbian-police-enter-university-faculty-detain-journalist-in-protest-clampdown/.
[202] FoNet, “Rector Vladan Đokić called in by the police,” NIN, April 17, 2025, https://www.nin.rs/english/news/74546/rector-vladan-dokic-called-in-by-the-police.
[203] SAR AFMP. University of Gezira. July 23, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-23-university-of-gezira/.
[204] See for example, Radio Tamazuj, “East Darfur: Al Daein University resumes medicine studies,” Radio Tamazuj, July 14, 2024, https://www.radiotamazuj.org/en/news/article/east-darfur-al-daein-university-resumes-medicine-studies.
[205] Karin Fischer, “In yet another global hot spot, education is a casualty,” Chronicle of Higher Education, November 6, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/newsletter/latitudes/2024-11-06.
[206] Linda Nordling, “War-torn Sudan’s lost scientists ‘may never return’,” Research Professional News, September 19, 2024, https://www.researchprofessionalnews.com/rr-news-africa-pan-african-2024-9-war-torn-sudan-s-lost-scientists-may-never-return/.
[207] SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, March 27, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-27-middle-east-technical-university/; SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, Hacettepe University, Bilkent University, March 21, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-21-middle-east-technical-university-hacettepe-university-bilkent-university; and SAR AFMP, Middle East Technical University, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-20-middle-east-technical-university/.
[208] Nathan M Greenfield, “Study raises fears of a ‘lost generation’ of scientists,” University World News, July 8, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240708170441802.
[209] Ivanka Popović, “There is a road ahead for Ukraine’s universities,” European Universities Association, February 24, 2025, https://www.eua.eu/our-work/expert-voices/there-is-a-road-ahead-for-ukraines-universities.html.
[210] David Livingstone, “Western scholars must not let the war black out Ukrainian higher education,” Times Higher Education, September 19, 2024, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/blog/western-scholars-must-not-let-war-black-out-ukrainian-higher-education.
[211] SAR AFMP, Sumy State University, September 3, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-03-sumy-state-university/; SAR AFMP, Donbas State Pedagogical University, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-14-donbas-state-pedagogical-university/; SAR AFMP, Unidentified Institution, November 25, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-25-unknown-institution/; SAR AFMP, Zaporizhzhia Polytechnic National University, January 23, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-23-zaporizhzhia-polytechnic-national-university/; SAR AFMP, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, February 4, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-04-taras-shevchenko-national-university-of-kyiv/; SAR AFMP, Kharkiv National University of Urban Economy, February 26, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-26-kharkiv-national-university-of-urban-economy/; SAR AFMP, Sumy State University, April 13, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-13-sumy-state-university/; SAR AFMP, Dnipro State Medical University, April 17, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-17-dnipro-state-medical-university/; SAR AFMP, Zaporizhzhia Polytechnic National University, May 1, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-01-zaporizhzhia-polytechnic-national-university/; SAR AFMP, Ivan Puluj Ternopil National Technical University, June 6, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-06-ivan-puluj-ternopil-national-technical-university/; SAR AFMP, South Ukrainian National Pedagogical University, June 17, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-17-ushynskyi-south-ukrainian-national-pedagogical-university/; and SAR AFMP. Igor Sikorsky Kyiv Polytechnic Institute. June 22, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-06-22-igor-sikorsky-kyiv-polytechnic-institute/.
[212] Oleh Ivanov, “Stolen Ukrainian universities: An invisible Russian weapon,” Vox Ukraine, March 14, 2025, https://voxukraine.org/en/stolen-ukrainian-universities-an-invisible-russian-weapon-2.
[213] NV Nation, “At Kyiv’s request, Lithuania halts university funding for Ukrainian refugees,” The New Voice of Ukraine, July 15, 2024, https://english.nv.ua/nation/at-kyiv-s-request-lithuania-halts-university-funding-for-ukrainian-refugees-50435006.html.
[214] Kateryna Hodunova, “Basic military training to start in Ukrainian higher education institutions in September 2025,” Kyiv Independent, January 17, 2025, https://kyivindependent.com/basic-general-military-training-to-start-in-ukrainian-higher-education-institutions-in-september-2025/; Stefan Korshak, “Ukraine to Kick Off Mandatory Military Training for University Students – Men and Women,” Kyiv Post, March 18, 2025, https://www.kyivpost.com/post/49153; and Abbey Fenbert and the Kyiv Independent news desk, “Students who fail military exam or refuse oath cannot continue higher ed, official says,” Kyiv Independent, January 18, 2024. https://kyivindependent.com/students-who-fail-military-exam-or-refuse-oath-cannot-continue-studies-official-says/.
[215] Katrin Kinzelbach, Staffan I. Lindberg, Lars Lott, and Angelo Vito Panaro. 2025. Academic Freedom Index 2025 Update. FAU Erlangen-Nürnberg and V-Dem Institute. doi:10.25593/open-fau-1637, p.9.
[216] Liam Knox, “Education Department Investigates Dozens of Colleges for Discrimination,” Inside Higher Ed, March 15, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/diversity/race-ethnicity/2025/03/15/education-department-accuses-51-colleges-discrimination.
[217] Jessica Blake, “Congress Eyes More Control Over Colleges,” Inside Higher Education, March 21, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/03/21/congress-eyeing-more-control-over-colleges.
[218] The White House, Reforming Accreditation To Strengthen Higher Education, April 23, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/04/reforming-accreditation-to-strengthen-higher-education/; Jessica Blake and Katherine Knott, “Trump’s Latest Executive Orders Target Accreditation, Foreign Gifts,” Inside Higher Education, April 23, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/04/23/trumps-latest-executive-orders-target-accreditation; The White House, Ending Illegal Discrimination And Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity, January 21, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/ending-illegal-discrimination-and-restoring-merit-based-opportunity/; Jasper Smith, “Trump Has Issued a Blitz of Executive Orders. Some Could Affect Higher Ed,” Chronicle of Higher Education, January 21, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/trump-has-issued-a-blitz-of-executive-orders-some-could-affect-higher-ed; and The White House, Keeping Men Out of Women’s Sports, February 5, 2025, https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/keeping-men-out-of-womens-sports/.
[219] See, for example, Katherine Mangan and Jasper Smith, “It’s Punishment for the Sake of Punishment, Chronicle of Higher Education, April 28, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/its-punishment-for-the-sake-of-punishment.
[220] US Department of Education. U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights Sends Letters to 60 Universities Under Investigation for Antisemitic Discrimination and Harassment, March 10, 2025, https://www.ed.gov/about/news/press-release/us-department-of-educations-office-civil-rights-sends-letters-60-universities-under-investigation-antisemitic-discrimination-and-harassment.
[221] SAR AFMP, Columbia University, March 7, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-07-columbia-university/; SAR AFMP, Harvard University, April 14, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-14-harvard-university/; SAR AFMP, Cornell University, April 8, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-08-cornell-university/; SAR AFMP, Northwestern University, April 8, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-08-northwestern-university/; SAR AFMP, Brown University, April 3, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-03-brown-university/; SAR AFMP, Princeton University, April 1, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-01-princeton-university/; and SAR AFMP, University of Pennsylvania, March 19, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-19-university-of-pennsylvania/.
[222] For example, the freezing of Princeton University’s funds came two weeks after the university’s president Christopher Eisgruber published an opinion piece in The Atlantic that criticized the US administration’s actions towards Columbia University. See: Liam Knox, “Trump Freezes Princeton’s Federal Funding,” Inside Higher Education, April 2, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/quick-takes/2025/04/02/trump-admin-freezes-half-princetons-federal-funding.
[223] Jessica Blake, “How Trump Uses the DOJ as Tool of ‘Fear-Mongering’,” Inside Higher Education, July 7, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/07/07/trump-deploys-justice-dept-ramp-attacks-higher-ed.
[224] SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, January 14, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-14-multiple-institutions/; SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, March 27, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-27-multiple-institutions/; SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, March 28, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-28-multiple-institutions/; and SAR AFMP, Multiple Institutions, April 4, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-04-multiple-institutions/.
[225] Chronicle Staff. DEI Legislation Tracker. Chronicle of Higher Education, May 30, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/here-are-the-states-where-lawmakers-are-seeking-to-ban-colleges-dei-efforts
[226] Rose Horowitch, “Colleges Have No Idea How to Comply With Trump’s Orders,” The Atlantic, March 10, 2025, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/03/dei-letter-universities-trump/681986/; and J. Brian Charles, “Pre-empting Conservative Lawmakers, Mizzou Disbands DEI Work,” Chronicle of Higher Education, July 30, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/preempting-conservative-lawmakers-mizzou-disbands-dei-work. See also examples including: SAR AFMP, Rutgers University, January 23, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-01-23-rutgers-university/; SAR AFMP, University of North Carolina System, February 5, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-05-university-of-north-carolina-system/; SAR AFMP, West Point Military Academy, February 4, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-02-04-west-point-military-academy/; SAR AFMP, United States Naval Academy, October 4, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-04-united-states-naval-academy/; SAR AFMP, United States Naval Academy, March 19, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-19-united-states-naval-academy/; SAR AFMP, United States Naval Academy, March 31, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-31-united-states-naval-academy/; and SAR AFMP, United States Naval Academy, April 15, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-15-united-states-naval-academy/.
[227] Christa Dutton and Jasper Smith, “Clinging to Control,” Chronicle of Higher Education, February 12, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/clinging-to-control.
[228] Jessica Blake. “What to Know About Trump’s Strategy Targeting Colleges’ Grants and Contracts” Inside Higher Education, April 18, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/04/18/what-know-about-trumps-funding-threats-colleges.
[229] “Grant Terminated,” Inside Higher Education, April 7, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/opinion/views/2025/04/07/federal-grant-cuts-researchers-own-words-opinion; Katrina Miller and Carl Zimmer, “National Science Foundation Terminates Hundreds of Active Research Awards,” New York Times, April 22, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/22/science/trump-national-science-foundation-grants.html; and Dan Bauman, “Trump Plans to Shutter USAID. Here’s What That Could Mean for Higher Ed,” Chronicle of Higher Education, March 11, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/trump-plans-to-shutter-usaid-heres-what-that-could-mean-for-higher-ed.
[230] Jasper Smith and David Jesse. “‘Institutional Destruction’: A Federal-Funding Pause Sent Shockwaves Through Higher Ed,” Chronicle of Higher Education, January 28, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/a-federal-funding-pause-sent-shockwaves-through-higher-ed-heres-what-we-know.
[231] Stephanie M. Lee, “The Scientists Who Got Ghosted by the NIH,” Chronicle of Higher Education, July 9, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/the-scientists-who-got-ghosted-by-the-nih; Megan Zahneis, “Despite a Judge’s Ruling, Large Swaths of NIH Funding Remain Effectively Frozen” Chronicle of Higher Education, February 20, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/despite-a-judges-ruling-large-swaths-of-nih-funding-remain-effectively-frozen?sra=true; and Jeff Tollefson, Max Kozlov, Alexandra Witze, and Dan Garisto, “Trump’s siege of science: how the first 30 days unfolded and what’s next,” Nature, February 20, 2025, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-025-00525-1?utm_source=Live+Audience&utm_campaign=65192fafeb-nature-briefing-daily-20250220.
[232] Megan Zahneis, “Research Universities Are Poised to Lose Billions Under Trump’s Sudden Cut, Chronicle of Higher Education, February 8, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/research-universities-are-poised-to-lose-billions-under-trumps-sudden-cut; Department of Energy, Department of Energy Overhauls Policy for College and University Research, Saving $405 Million Annually for American Taxpayers, April 11, 2025, https://www.energy.gov/articles/department-energy-overhauls-policy-college-and-university-research-saving-405-million; and National Science Foundation, Policy Notice: Implementation of Standard 15% Indirect Cost Rate, May 2, 2025, https://www.nsf.gov/policies/document/indirect-cost-rate.
[233] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions, March 15, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-15-multiple-institutions/.
[234] Stephanie Saul, “As Trump Goes After Universities, Students Are Now on the Chopping Block,” New York Times, March 6, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/06/us/politics/trump-university-funding-grad-student-cuts.html; Josh Moody, “Federal Funding Uncertainty Prompts Hiring Freezes,” Inside Higher Education, February 19, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/02/19/federal-funding-uncertainty-prompts-hiring-freezes; Shaoni Bhattacharya, “‘Weaponisation’ of US research funding risks ‘lasting damage’,” Research Professional News, March 27, 2025, https://www.researchprofessionalnews.com/rr-news-usa-universities-2025-3-weaponisation-of-us-research-funding-risks-lasting-damage/; Dan Rosenzweig-Ziff, “Johns Hopkins University to slash 2,000 jobs after $800M in federal cuts,” Washington Post, March 13, 2025, https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2025/03/13/johns-hopkins-layoffs-federal-funding-cuts/; and Kathryn Palmer, “The Ripple Effects of Draining the Ph.D. Pool,” Inside Higher Education, April 11, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/graduate-students-and-postdocs/2025/04/11/how-drop-phd-students-could-affect-colleges.
[235] Afeez Bolaji, (2025, February 9). “Trump’s ‘deadly, anti-people policy’ is taking its toll,” University World News, February 9, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250210001048466; and Desmond Thompson, “Trump leaves South African universities reeling,” February 6, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250205183156837.
[236] Yogita Limaye. “Afghan women who fled Taliban to study abroad face imminent return after USAID cuts.” BBC, March 8, 2025, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cg4k25wlw21o.
[237] Wagdy Sawahel. “Universities ‘save’ students’ amid Trump’s aid pause.” University World News, February 6, 2025, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20250205163734812.
[238] Caitlin Cassidy, “Trump administration accused of ‘blatant foreign interference’ in Australian universities over questionnaire on DEI and gender,” The Guardian, March 14, 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2025/mar/14/australian-university-sector-accuses-trump-administration-of-blatant-interference-in-research; John Ross, “Australian scientists demand meeting over Trump grant cuts,” Times Higher Education, March 21, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/australian-scientists-demand-meeting-over-trump-grant-cuts; Jack Grove, “Trump’s DEI crackdown ‘could block US-UK research collaborations’,” Times Higher Education, February 14, 2025, https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/trumps-dei-crackdown-could-block-us-uk-research-collaborations; and Joana Mourão Carvalho, “Trump administration sent ideological questionnaire to Portuguese universities and cut support, Euronews, April 11, 2025, https://www.msn.com/pt-pt/noticias/ultimas/administra%C3%A7%C3%A3o-trump-enviou-question%C3%A1rio-ideol%C3%B3gico-a-universidades-portuguesas-e-cortou-apoios/ar-AA1CJFFz.
[239] Stephanie Nolen, “Defunded Aid Programs Are Asked by Trump Administration to Prove Their Value, on a Scale of 1 to 5,” New York Times, March 6, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/06/health/usaid-freeze-review.html; Sheryl Gay Stolberg and Apoorva Mandavilli, “Trump Administration Sends Politically Charged Survey to Researchers,” New York Times, March 7, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/07/health/foreign-aid-questionnaire.html; Emily Dieckman, “Survey from Trump Administration Asks Researchers Abroad About Involvement in DEI, Environmental Justice, and Climate Projects,” Eos, March 27, 2025, https://eos.org/research-and-developments/survey-from-trump-administration-asks-researchers-abroad-about-involvement-in-dei-environmental-justice-and-climate-projects; and Smriti Mallapaty, “Trump team ‘survey’ sent to overseas researchers prompts foreign-interference fears,” Nature, March 20, 2025, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-025-00850-5.
[240] Katherine Mangan. “Pro-Palestinian Protesters Stuck in Disciplinary and Legal Limbo.” Chronicle of Higher Education, July 5, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/pro-palestinian-protesters-stuck-in-disciplinary-and-legal-limbo.
[241] Johanna Alonso, “Anticipating Fall Protests, Colleges Adopt a Range of Approaches,” Inside Higher Ed, August 16, 2024, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/free-speech/2024/08/16/how-universities-are-preparing-fall-protests; and Katherine Mangan, “New Rules and Familiar Challenges as Antiwar Protesters Return to Campuses: ‘The Stakes Are Extraordinarily High’,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 5, 2024, https://www.chronicle.com/article/new-rules-and-familiar-challenges-as-antiwar-protesters-return-to-campuses-the-stakes-are-extraordinarily-high.
[242] Stephanie Saul. “A Mysterious Group Says Its Mission Is to Expose Antisemitic Students,” New York Times, April 1, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/01/us/israel-gaza-student-protests-canary-mission.html. See also Natasha Lennard and Akela Lacy, “The Columbia Network Pushing Behind the Scenes to Deport and Arrest Student Protesters,” The Intercept, February 15, https://theintercept.com/2025/02/15/columbia-alumni-israel-whatsapp-deport-gaza-protesters/; and Karen Fischer, “An Anonymous Group’s List of Purported Critics of Israel Helped Steer a U.S. Crackdown on Student Activists,” Chronicle of Higher Education, July 10, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/an-anonymous-groups-list-of-purported-critics-of-israel-helped-steer-a-u-s-crackdown-on-student-activists.
[243] SAR AFMP. Tufts University. March 26, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-26-tufts-university/.
[244] SAR AFMP. Muhlenberg College. September 26, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-09-26-muhlenberg-college/.
[245] SAR AFMP, Harvard University, October 2, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-02-harvard-university/; SAR AFMP, Harvard University, October 24, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-24-harvard-university/; SAR AFMP, Harvard University, October 24, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-10-24-harvard-university-2/; and SAR AFMP, Harvard University, November 11, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-11-harvard-university/.
[246] SAR AFMP. University of California Berkeley. September 24, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-09-24-university-of-california-berkeley/.
[247] SAR AFMP. DePaul University. November 6, 2024, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-11-06-de-paul-university/.
[248] SAR AFMP, Columbia University, March 8, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-08-columbia-university/; SAR AFMP, Columbia University, March 8, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-08-columbia-university-2/; SAR AFMP, Georgetown University, March 17, 2025, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-17-georgetown-university/; SAR AFMP, Tufts University,. March 26, 2025 https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-26-tufts-university/; and SAR AFMP, Columbia University, April 14, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-14-columbia-university/.
[249] Charlie Savage. “Congress Wrote a Deportation Law to Be Used ‘Sparingly.’ Trump Has Other Ideas.” New York Times, April 1, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/01/us/trump-deportations-students-campus-protests.html?.
[250] Prem Thakker, “SCOOP: ICE Revoking Students’ Immigration Statuses Without Their or the University’s Knowledge,” Zeteo, March 30, 2025, https://zeteo.com/p/ice-manually-revoking-university-students-residency-status-middle-east; “International Student Visas Revoked,” Inside Higher Education, April 25, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/global/international-students-us/2025/04/07/where-students-have-had-their-visas-revoked; Liam Knox, “Smashing the Student Visa System,” Inside Higher Education, April 3, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/global/international-students-us/2025/04/03/how-trump-wreaking-havoc-student-visa-system; and Zach Montague and Hamed Aleaziz, “U.S. Restores Legal Status for Many International Students, but Warns of Removals to Come,” New York Times, April 25, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/25/us/politics/trump-student-visa-cancellations.html.
[251] Makiya Seminera, Annie Ma, and Janie Har. “The US is reinstating records for international students. For some, it’s too late.” AP News, May 19, 2025, https://apnews.com/article/international-students-visas-terminated-trump-sevis-9f85c3c58a4b74c354df0d7d993cf34c.
[252] Liam Knox. “ICE Expands Student Deportation Powers.” Inside Higher Education, May 2, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/global/international-students-us/2025/05/02/new-ice-policy-puts-international-students-greater.
[253] Nahal Toosi, “Trump team pauses new student visa interviews as it weighs expanding social media vetting, Politico, May 27, 2025, https://www.politico.com/news/2025/05/27/trump-team-orders-stop-to-new-student-visa-interviews-as-it-weighs-expanding-social-media-vetting-00370501; Karin Fischer, “As student-visa season heats up, the State Dept. freezes new interviews,” Chronicle of Higher Education, May 28, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/newsletter/latitudes/2025-05-28; and Liam Knox, “Where International Students Stand Now,” Inside Higher Education, June 3, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/global/international-students-us/2025/06/03/chronicling-trumps-evolving-international-student.
[254] Edward Wong. “U.S. to Review Social Media Posts of Student and Scholar Visa Applicants.” New York Times, June 18, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/18/us/politics/student-visa-applications.html.
[255] Emily Badger, Aatish Bhatia, Asmaa Elkeurti, Steven Rich, and Ethan Singer, “These Are the U.S. Universities Most Dependent on International Students,” New York Times, May 23, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/23/upshot/harvard-trump-international-students.html; and Madeline Zavodny, “The Importance Of Immigrants And International Students To Higher Education In America,” National Foundation For American Policy, May 2025, https://nfap.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Importance-of-Immigrants-and-International-Students-to-Higher-Education.NFAP-Policy-Brief.2025.pdf.
[256] Kathryn Palmer, “The Ripple Effects of Draining the Ph.D. Pool,” Inside Higher Ed, April 11, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/students/graduate-students-and-postdocs/2025/04/11/how-drop-phd-students-could-affect-colleges; and Katherine Knott, (2025, February 25). “Colleges Restrict Graduate Student Admissions After NIH Proposes Rate Cut,” Inside Higher Ed, February 25, 2025, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/science-research-policy/2025/02/25/facing-nih-cuts-colleges-restrict-grad-student.
[257] American Association of Colleges and Universities. “Call for Constructive Engagement.” April 22, 2025, https://www.aacu.org/newsroom/a-call-for-constructive-engagement.
[258] Christopher L. Eisgruber, “The Cost of the Government’s Attack on Columbia,” The Atlantic, March 19, 2025, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/03/columbia-academic-freedom/682088/; Alan Garber, “The Promise of American Higher Education,” Harvard University, April 14, 2025, https://www.harvard.edu/president/news/2025/the-promise-of-american-higher-education/; Ruth Abramovitz, “GU Law Community Responds to US Attorney’s Anti-DEI Letter,” The Hoya, March 14, 2025, https://thehoya.com/news/gu-law-community-responds-to-us-attorneys-anti-dei-letter/; Eugene Volokh, et al., “A Statement from Constitutional Law Scholars on Columbia,” New York Review of Books, April 14, 2025, https://www.nybooks.com/online/2025/03/20/a-statement-from-constitutional-law-scholars-on-columbia/; Letter from Members of the National Academies of Sciences Engineering, and Medicine, The New York Times, March 31, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/03/31/health/scientists-letter.html; and Former and current college and university professors, “Harvard’s defiance of Trump’s ‘authoritarian incursion’ supported by over 80 past and present college and university presidents,” Fortune, April 15, 2025, https://fortune.com/2025/04/15/harvard-defiance-trump-supported-college-university-presidents/?abc123.
[259] Ben Brasch and Molly Hennessy-Fiske. “Big Ten university faculties push for defense compact against Trump.” Washington Post, April 24, 2025, https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2025/04/24/big-10-universities-alliance-trump-attacks/.
[260] MADCs Tracker. University of Massachusetts Amherst. https://www.umass.edu/senate/madcs-tracker.
[261] Megan Zahneis, “This Time, Higher Ed’s Resistance to Trump Is Being Led by Its Associations,” Chronicle of Higher Education, March 26, 2025, https://www.chronicle.com/article/this-time-higher-eds-resistance-to-trump-is-being-led-by-its-associations; and President’s Alliance on Higher Education and Immigration, “Eighty-Six Institutions and Associations Lead the Presidents’ Alliance’s Filing of Amicus Brief Challenging Visa Revocations and Detentions,” April 10, 2025, https://www.presidentsalliance.org/press/eighty-six-institutions-and-associations-lead-the-presidents-alliances-filing-of-amicus-brief-challenging-visa-revocations-and-detentions/.
[262] Amnesty International. “Zimbabwe: Authorities must end massive crackdown on dissent before SADC summit.” Amnesty International, August 9, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/08/zimbabwean-authorities-must-end-their-crackdown-against-opposition-and-civil-society-members-ahead-of-the-southern-african-development-community-sadc-summit-scheduled-for-17-august-2024-in-harare/.
[263] SAR AFMP. Multiple Institutions. July 24, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2024-07-24-multiple-institutions/.
[264] Clemence Manyukwe. More allegations of government torture of student leaders. University World News, August 8, 2024, https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240807182845506.
[265] Ibid.
[266] SAR AFMP. Midlands State University. March 12, 2024. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-03-12-midlands-state-university/.
[267] SAR AFMP. Great Zimbabwe University. April 9, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-04-09-great-zimbabwe-university/.
[268] Gamuchirai Masiyiwa. As University of Zimbabwe Strike Drags on, Pressure Mounts on the Country’s Higher Education System. Global Press Journal, July 18, 2025, https://globalpressjournal.com/africa/zimbabwe/university-zimbabwe-strike-drags-pressure-mounts-countrys-higher-education-system/.
[269] SAR AFMP. University of Zimbabwe. May 12, 2025. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/report/2025-05-12-university-of-zimbabwe/.
[270] SAR AFMP. University of Zimbabwe. June 26, 2025.
A laboratory technician works on samples at the Antiviral Gene Therapy Research Unit at the University of the Witwatersrand Medical School in South Africa, one of the many countries affected by cuts to US research funding. Photo: AP Newsroom
Conclusion and Recommendations
Attacks on higher education are a global phenomenon, occurring in democratic and autocratic states in all regions. They warrant a global response.
The attacks described in this report are diverse in form. They include deadly attacks on scholars’ and students’ lives; direct attacks on their livelihoods or access to education; and coercive attacks targeting policy and legislation. Their common goal is chilling the space for academic discourse, debate, and investigation, and establishing the context for a graver set of violations. Together, they represent a severe threat to the circulation of ideas and development of new knowledge.
Worryingly, it is not just authoritarian leaders who repress the right of scholars and students to research, teach, learn, and speak freely. As recent events in the United States make clear, democratically elected officials are also taking actions that undermine university autonomy and academic freedom. These events are troubling. Around the world, leaders learn from each other, and attacking higher education is clearly a key strategy in the authoritarian playbook. By attacking higher education, authoritarians undermine the role of universities not only as centers of learning and social and economic progress, but also as democratic incubators.
At present, global norms regarding higher education and academic freedom are simultaneously evolving in two opposing ways. On one hand, democratic backsliding and a weakened respect for human rights norms among authoritarian leaders are shrinking spaces for scholars and students to teach, learn, and express ideas freely. At the same time, multilateral institutions and international civil society are making progress institutionalizing protections for academic freedom. The United Nations Human Rights Council resolution (A/HRC/59/L.11) on the right to education, adopted on July 7, 2025, recognized academic freedom as a key dimension of the right to education and noted with appreciation the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom.
As a global community, we must make sure that the latter trend prevails. We must strengthen global, regional, national, and local protections for academic freedom and ensure that our higher education communities can withstand the authoritarian assault. All have a role to play in this: governments, higher education communities, and civil society.
The pages that follow outline the steps we can take to protect scholars, students, universities, and higher education as an institution. These steps fall into several categories. First, we must support those scholars and students who face immediate risks and ensure that their expertise is not lost. Second, we must promote a broad public understanding of academic freedom and institutional autonomy as essential to truth-seeking and to the public good. We must raise recognition that these incidents are all part of a single phenomenon: a global set of pressures with the common motivation of silencing higher education and thereby undermining democracy. Third, recognizing that antidemocratic forces are most successful when they divide and isolate, we must build community and solidarity. Finally, we must go beyond normative change to implement concrete protections for scholars and students and their ability to engage in free intellectual discourse, thought, and expression. We invite readers to consider the following opportunities to take action to protect higher education.
Supporting At-Risk Scholars and Students
- States and state agencies should establish mechanisms to support at-risk or displaced scholars and students. This should include programs offering direct funding to scholars and students to continue their academic work in safety.
- States (including through their embassies abroad), multistate bodies, or supranational groups, should provide opportunities to support higher education institutions, NGOs, and other organizations seeking to help at-risk scholars and students.
- Higher education institutions should support scholars facing impact from attacks by offering positions of academic refuge to these individuals through SAR, the Council for At-Risk Academics (Cara), the Institute of International Education’s Scholar Rescue Fund (IIE-SRF), PAUSE, and the Philipp Schwartz Initiative.
- Faculty and researchers should support at-risk or displaced scholars on campus by serving on a SAR committee at their institution, through which they provide collegial support to hosted scholars and seek opportunities to engage them in on-campus activities.
- Student groups and academic departments should invite formerly threatened scholars to speak to the campus community.
- Associations, societies, and research organizations should seek opportunities to engage displaced or at-risk scholars in their activities.
- Those in industry or other nonacademic research careers should offer expertise and employment opportunities to displaced scholars.
Building Awareness
- States should express concern about attacks on higher education communities; publicly acknowledge the crucial importance of academic freedom to social and scientific progress, democratic advancement, and international cooperation; and recognize a right to academic freedom grounded in existing international human rights standards.
- States should work through multistate bodies or supranational groups to develop monitoring mechanisms enabling them to track and promote respect for academic freedom.
- States should invest in regular calls for research on academic freedom, including those which contribute to:
1) new approaches to combating threats to academic freedom;
2) increased understanding of academic freedom and the short- and long-term consequences for society when academic freedom is repressed;
3) increased data on threats to academic freedom and increased knowledge and effectiveness of existing protections;
4) development of policies, procedures, guidelines, toolkits, and methodologies to implement academic freedom;
5) reinforced legislative tools for protecting and promoting academic freedom; and
6) tailored curricula to implement trainings for targeted staff, civil servants (including members of ministries of education and foreign affairs), national human rights institutions, and diplomatic missions, among others.
- Higher education institutions and national and regional higher education networks, such as national SAR sections, should highlight and condemn attacks on the sector and speak out about the need to protect at-risk scholars.
- Associations, societies, and research organizations should conduct and encourage research into the root causes of attacks on higher education and efforts to protect academic freedom.
- The media should play a central role in raising awareness about the phenomenon of attacks on the higher education sector through investigative reporting, interviews, and public discussions.
- Media organizations and others that publicly assess the quality of universities should include within their analyses an academic freedom component. This may rely on the AFMP, AFi, and other analyses by independent experts.
- Everyone should play a key awareness-raising role over social media by sharing Free to Think 2025, using the hashtags #AcademicFreedom and #Free2Think2025 in their posts, following @ScholarsAtRisk on Twitter and Facebook, and reposting SAR’s social media posts.
Mobilization and Solidarity
- States should publicly commit to protecting higher education from attack by endorsing the Safe Schools Declaration.
- Higher education institutions should join the SAR Network to demonstrate solidarity for threatened colleagues worldwide. As members, they should actively engage with each other as allies and contribute to efforts to respond to attacks on scholars and institutions.
- Academic associations and societies should support education to advance academic freedom within their memberships at the institutional, national, regional, and international levels. Moreover, academic associations and societies can strengthen the work of regional coalitions for academic freedom where they already exist, and support the launch of new coalitions in regions where they don’t.
Implementing Protective Policies and Legal Protections
- States, intergovernmental, regional, and supraregional bodies should endorse the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom and regional instruments, such as the Inter-American Principles on Academic Freedom and University Autonomy, and implement their recommendations to protect the right to academic freedom.
- Intergovernmental, regional, and supranational bodies should develop policies, structures, and guidelines to protect and promote academic freedom regionally and globally.
- States should adopt policies designed to protect and promote academic freedom, including by enshrining protections for academic freedom and institutional autonomy in law, proactively ensuring security for the higher education sector and its members, and pursuing accountability for perpetrators to deter future attacks.
- States should refrain from interfering in higher education institutional autonomy and from surveillance, censorship, and transnational repression of scholars and students, as well as from wrongful persecution of scholars and students relating to their academic work.
- States should assess their own country’s respect for academic freedom by consulting the Academic Freedom Index (AFi), a research tool codeveloped by the Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, the V-Dem Institute, the Global Public Policy Institute (GPPI), and SAR, which measures levels of respect for academic freedom in 179 countries and territories.
- States should respect university autonomy by ensuring the security and integrity of the university while refraining from militarization, surveillance, financial penalties, interference with hiring and admissions, interference in the methods or content of teaching or research, and other coercive measures that undermine the truth-seeking function. Laws, policies, and practices concerning the appointment, tenure, and removal of institutional leaders, oversight boards, and governing councils must respect the principle of self-governance, which is an essential component of autonomy.
- Higher education institutions should promote understanding and respect for core higher education values of academic freedom, institutional autonomy, accountability, equitable access, and social responsibility.[1] Higher education leaders have a critical role to play as the frontline defenders of academic freedom and the university, especially against outside actors and especially in times of tension or controversy. Leaders should vigorously defend the processes of academic inquiry and discourse, and they should create regular, visible, and meaningful opportunities to discuss complex, sensitive, and challenging questions, including those raised by rising levels of societal polarization and current events. Faculty and students should draw on their academic training, experience, and expertise to engage in these conversations. SAR’s guidebook, Promoting Higher Education Values, offers frameworks to ensure that higher education institutions protect and promote academic freedom while ensuring the safety of students and personnel.[2]
Access the Free to Think 2025 PDF
[1] Scholars at Risk Network. Promoting Higher Education Values: A Guide for Discussion. Scholars At Risk Network, May 2020. https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/SAR_PHV_DiscussionGuide_v20_ONLINE.pdf.
[2] SAR. Promoting Higher Education Values: A Guide for Discussion. Scholars At Risk Network, April 2020, https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/promoting-higher-education-values-a-guide-for-discussion/.
The international community, national governments, the higher education sector, civil society, and the public at large each have a role to play in protecting academic freedom.Photo: Alamy
Appendix 1: Call to Action
This section presents a call to the international community, national governments, the higher education sector, civil society, and the public at large to protect scholars’ and students’ ability to engage in free intellectual discourse, thought, and expression. While action may look different for different parties, everyone has the capacity to help. SAR invites readers to consider opportunities in the following areas: supporting at-risk scholars and students; raising awareness and generating research; building solidarity; and proactively preventing attacks on higher education.
Supporting At-Risk Scholars
State-based mechanisms for supporting at-risk or displaced scholars and students
Several national efforts offer direct funding to scholars and students to continue their academic work in safety. These include the Philipp Schwartz Initiative and the Hilde Domin Programme in Germany; the PAUSE program in France; the Students-at-Risk program in Norway; the Swedish International Development Agency (Sida)-funded program for researchers from Afghanistan in Sweden; an effort by Polish organizations to support students, scientists, and teachers from Belarus; funding from the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) for fellowships for at-risk researchers in Switzerland; and a human rights defenders stream of the Government-Assisted Refugees Program in Canada.[1]
Multilateral mechanisms for supporting at-risk or displaced scholars and students
The Inspireurope+ project is an EU-funded multi-partner initiative coordinated by SAR Europe to strengthen support in Europe for researchers at risk.[2] Since 2019, the project has been an extremely effective vehicle for coordinated action across Europe and a key driver of progress in support of researchers at risk. While the project ended in August 2025, its partners remain committed to extending its impact, including by facilitating collaboration between higher education institutions, organizations, networks, donors, policymakers, and partners across Europe; strengthening European policies on academic freedom; and supporting at-risk researchers with career development training and networking opportunities.
MSCA4Ukraine, which started in July 2022, is part of the European Union’s response to the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation. Topped up with an additional EUR 10 million in 2024, this EUR 35 million EU-funded program, led by SAR Europe and implemented in partnership with the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation (Germany) and the European University Association (Belgium), has provided fellowships of mostly two years to 176 researchers from Ukraine at 136 host institutions in 24 European countries. It also offers training and networking opportunities for researchers from Ukraine; collaboration with and between Ukrainian and European research stakeholders; limited referrals for qualifying researchers whose applications were successful but could not be financed due to funding limitations; and reintegration support if and when safe conditions are met. In early 2025, the EU-funded Supporting At-risk Researchers with Fellowships in Europe (SAFE) project—implemented by the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), the Mediterranean Universities Union (UNIMED), Campus France, and Collège de France/PAUSE—awarded a total of 56 SAFE fellowships to support researchers at risk from different countries in the world, for a period of up to 24 months. The researchers will be hosted by 56 higher education and research institutions based in 13 European Union Member States. The European Union is providing EUR 12 million for this endeavor.[3]
Organizations supporting scholars to find positions of refuge
These include: SAR, the Council for At-Risk Academics (Cara), the Institute of International Education’s Scholar Rescue Fund (IIE-SRF), PAUSE, the Philipp Schwartz Initiative, and similar programs. This past year, SAR helped arrange over 160 temporary positions for scholars, researchers, and practitioners from Afghanistan, Ukraine, Türkiye, Iran, Ethiopia, Sudan, Yemen, Russia, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and Myanmar, among others at institutions in 11 countries.
Efforts by associations, societies, research organizations, and individual universities to support displaced or at-risk scholars in their activities
In 2025, the American Physical Society (APS) funded three research fellowships at a research institute in Italy for at-risk scholars specializing in physics. Education Credential Evaluators (ECE) provided free credential evaluations to SAR-assisted scholars. The Midwest Political Science Association (MPSA) provided free registration to their annual meeting for SAR-assisted scholars of political science in the US. The American Statistical Association (ASA) conducted outreach for placements and advisory support for scholars of statistics and mathematics across their network. The Memory Studies Association (MSA) offered a travel grant for at-risk scholars of memory to attend their annual conference. The Linguistic Society of America (LSA) provided free membership for SAR-assisted scholars of linguistics. Open Briefing provided six fully funded sessions of trauma informed counselling to five SAR-supported scholars. The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) offered free individual memberships to SAR-assisted scholars in STEM. A number of universities launched fellowships for US researchers, including for example, Aix-Marseille University.[4]
Academic opportunities for research and advocacy on behalf of scholars, students, and the higher education community
SAR supports faculty–led student advocacy seminars, through which students conduct research and advocacy in support of a wrongfully imprisoned scholar or student. It also supports academic freedom legal clinics, through which students engage with governmental mechanisms by reporting on and seeking interventions regarding attacks on the higher education community, holding governments accountable for their actions, and urging increased protections for academic freedom.[5] In addition, student groups and academic departments can invite formerly threatened scholars to speak to the campus community, including virtually, through the Vivian G. Prins/Scholars at Risk Speaker Series, a speakers’ bureau that provides higher education institutions the opportunity to learn from current and formerly SAR-assisted scholars.
Awareness Raising and Research
State-led monitoring and awareness-raising mechanisms
Efforts to develop monitoring mechanisms are currently underway at the European Higher Education Area and Bologna Follow-up Process. Between 2018 and 2024, members of the European Higher Education Area (49 countries and the European Commission) adopted and defined a common list of six fundamental values of higher education: academic freedom,[6] university autonomy, academic integrity, student and staff participation in governance, public responsibility for higher education, and public responsibility of higher education.[7] To maintain consistent oversight of how these values are implemented across the various education systems, the EHEA Working Group on Fundamental Values (2024-2027)[8] has been given approval to further develop a technical monitoring framework. They will also report on their progress during the 2027 EHEA Ministerial Conference.
The European Parliament Academic Freedom Monitor,[9] an annual reporting series that analyzes the state of academic freedom across the Union and makes recommendations to support its protection, informed the 2025 annual high-level conference of the European Parliament’s STOA Forum for Academic Freedom. The forum was launched in 2022 and aims to foster open dialogue across the European Union to address the challenges facing academic freedom.[10] The 2025 conference brought together politicians, experts and academia to explore how academic freedom can be best supported.[11]
In May 2025, SAR participated in an event organized by the European Parliament Subcommittee on Human Rights, which conducted an ‘exchange of views on addressing the current attacks against academic freedom and scientific research globally’.
In 2023, UNESCO established a programme on the freedom and safety of scientists,[12] which was further strengthened by a “Call to Action on the Freedom and Safety of Scientists” in 2024, supported by 60 Member States.[13] It is currently conducting a series of workshops to support the development of an assessment tool on the freedom and safety of scientists, an initiative aimed at enhancing data collection and providing guidance within that framework. SAR participated in the workshops.
Research conducted by associations, societies, research organizations, and NGOs
The Magna Carta Observatory, an international organization that seeks to bolster academic freedom, university autonomy, and intellectual and scientific integrity, will hold the Anniversary of the Magna Charta Universitatum MCU 2020-2025 on the theme, “What are universities for? Higher education principles, values and responsibilities in a fragmented world,” in late November 2025.[14]
The Coalition for Academic Freedom in the Americas (CAFA) continues to advance research across a range of topics relevant for the region. For example CAFA has led research on the intersection of academic freedom and democracy, information communication technologies, university autonomy, and scientific denialism, among other topics.[15] The Africa Coalition for Academic Freedom (ACAF) and the Southeast Asia Coalition for Academic Freedom (SEACAF), both launched in 2024, are also carrying forward relevant research. ACAF has examined how to democratize university space; SEACAF is developing research on how to advance academic freedom in contexts of censorship, surveillance, and other attacks on institutional autonomy.
Other groups promoting research on attacks on higher education and academic freedom include the Global Observatory on Academic Freedom (GOAF);[16] Strengthening Human Rights and Peace Research and Education in ASEAN/Southeast Asia (SHAPE-SEA), housed at Thailand’s Mahidol University;[17] International Solidarity for Academic Freedom in India (InSAF);[18] and the Norwegian Students’ and Academics’ International Assistance Fund.[19] Supported by the Mellon Foundation and other partners, the Mellon/SAR Academic Freedom Workshop and Fellowship program provides a research stipend and supportive professional community for an annual cohort of researchers to develop and share related work on academic freedom and/or related higher education values.[20]
Mobilization and Solidarity
Statements of support for at-risk scholars and condemning attacks on higher education
In August 2024, the Coalition for Academic Freedom in the Americas (CAFA) signed on to a statement from IPEN commemorating the confiscation of the Central American University and calling on the international community to “support Nicaraguan youth and the academic community, facilitating opportunities for them to continue their studies and academic and scientific work.”[21]
In June 2025, a coalition of leading European consortia, initiatives, and organizations dedicated to protecting researchers at risk and promoting academic freedom and autonomy launched a collective call urging Europe to champion academic freedom and safeguard researchers at risk. This coalition was convened by Inspireurope+ for its 2025 Forum in Paris on May 7, which highlighted the increasing global threats to academic freedom and the urgent need for Europe to strengthen its commitment to safeguarding academic freedom and the protection of researchers at risk.[22]
Actions taken by academic associations, coalitions, and societies
Scholars at Risk, in collaboration with its network members and partners, has supported the launch and development of three independent regional coalitions in the Americas, Africa, and Southeast Asia. Each coalition advances regionally tailored advocacy, monitoring, and membership efforts while sharing knowledge and expertise across the region.
The Coalition for Academic Freedom in the Americas (CAFA), co-founded by SAR, the University of Ottawa’s Human Rights Research and Education Centre, and the University of Monterrey, Mexico and launched in 2021, now has 122 members and 324 “Friends of CAFA.” In 2025, CAFA launched three thematic working groups on gender, monitoring, and strategic litigation, each advancing CAFA’s mission. The monitoring working group developed a tool to track and document attacks on academic freedom across the region. The gender working group created and launched a guide for developing protocols to combat gender-based violence in higher education across the Americas. The strategic litigation working group identified three emblematic cases for support and is advancing efforts to leverage legal mechanisms to strengthen protections for academic freedom across the region.[23]
Hosted by the Ghana Center for Democratic Development in Accra, the Africa Coalition for Academic Freedom (ACAF) has grown to 50 members since its 2024 launch and has laid the foundation for a continent-wide advocacy alliance. In Ghana, ACAF held targeted workshops to strengthen awareness and collaboration among media, academic staff, and students. To improve regional observation, five monitors were recruited to document academic freedom violations across ten African countries. ACAF also began forming five subregional coalitions of academic staff associations to enhance coordination, localize advocacy, and support peer collaboration across West, East, Central, North, and Southern Africa.
Also launched in 2024, the Southeast Asia Academic Freedom Coalition is hosted by the Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies at Mahidol University in Bangkok, Thailand. Like CAFA and ACAF, the aim of the Southeast Asia coalition is to build community and solidarity to bolster academic freedom at a regional level. In 2025, SEACAF expanded its membership to 55 members and is advancing its evidence-based advocacy through national baseline studies on academic freedom in Southeast Asia by working with ten research teams across the region. Findings from this research will guide the development of monitoring indicators and advocacy tools, supported by a forthcoming monitoring working group. SEACAF also completed a regional mapping study and prioritized engagement with universities, governments, and regional bodies like AICHR and AUN to promote robust academic freedom policies. In Europe, SAR Europe convenes the European Coordinating Committee for Academic Freedom Advocacy, whose aim is to coordinate advocacy aimed at strengthening respect and encouraging action to protect academic freedom within and outside Europe.[24]
Implementation
States policies and commitments to protect and promote academic freedom
On June 24, 2025, at the 59th session of the Human Rights Council, Colombia, Portugal, the European Union, and the Wallonia-Brussels region in Belgium co-sponsored a side event on academic freedom.[25] The event was organized by the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the right to education, Ms. Farida Shaheed, in cooperation with Scholars at Risk, and featured interventions on regional approaches to implementing the right to academic freedom by the directors of the regional coalitions for academic freedom in Africa, the Americas, and Southeast Asia.
Resolution A/HRC/59/L.11 on the right to education was adopted without vote on 7 July 2025, during the 59th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council. The resolution recognized that the academic freedom of staff and students is a key dimension of the right to education, and emphasized “that States, academic institutions, teachers and staff have the responsibility to promote an inclusive, safe and enabling environment for academic, evidence-based enquiry, debate and discussion”, and therefore expressed “deep concern at the increasing restrictions on academic freedom”. It further stressed that “academic freedom, at all levels of education, inside and outside the academic community, is at the heart of scientific progress and contributes to building knowledge as a public and common good”, and went on to recognize “that individuals, as members of academic communities or in their own pursuits, should be free to conduct activities involving the discovery and transmission of knowledge and ideas, and to do so with the full protection of human rights law”. Finally, it took note with appreciation of the Principles for Implementing the Right to Academic Freedom.[26]
Intergovernmental, regional, and supranational policies, structures, and guidelines to protect and promote academic freedom
The Council of Europe conference “Academic Freedom in Action,” held in late 2024, brought together experts, educators, and policymakers to emphasize the democratic mission of higher education and the critical importance of safeguarding academic freedom. The event marked the launch of the Council of Europe’s “Academic Freedom in Action” project, which aims to protect and promote academic freedom as an essential value in higher education.[27] SAR is a member of the expert group that advises on the implementation of the project. The Council has since launched the Academic Freedom Insights series and has already published two policy briefs: Political Interference in Academic Freedom and SLAPPs and Other Legal Threats Against Academics, with more expected to be added to the series.[28] The insights from this series will also contribute to the development of a new Council of Europe Committee of Ministers Recommendation on Academic Freedom, expanding upon the existing Recommendation CM/Rec(2012)07.[29]
Through its Gender Working Group, the Coalition for Academic Freedom produced A Guide for the development of: Protocols for the prevention, care, investigation, and punishment of sexual violence, gender-based violence, and discrimination within Higher Education Institutions.[30] Recognizing that in order to be most effective, institutions must develop mechanisms tailored to their specific context, the guide is intended to assist higher education institutions in developing their own policies and practices for preventing and addressing gender-based discrimination.
[1] Learn more about these programs on the following websites: Philipp Schwartz Initiative (http://www.humboldt-foundation.de/en/apply/sponsorship-programmes/philipp-schwartz-initiative); Hilde Domin Programme (https://www.daad.de/en/study-and-research-in-germany/ scholarships/hilde-domin-programm); PAUSE program (http://www.programmepause.fr); Students-at-Risk (www.studentsatrisk.no); Swedish International Development Agency’s temporary academic sanctuary program (http://www.gu.se/en/news/researchers-from-afghanistan-receive-academic-sanctuaries-in-sweden); Polish Universities Help Students from Belarus (https://study.gov.pl/news/polish-universities-help-students-belarus); Supporting at-risk researchers with fellowships in Europe (SAFE) (https://saferesearchers.eu/); and Canada’s Government-Assisted Refugees Program (http://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2021/07/ providing-protection-to-human-rights-defenders-at-risk.html).
[2] See SAR Europe, “Inspireurope+,” https://sareurope.eu/inspireurope/.
[3] Learn more about SAFE at: https://saferesearchers.eu/.
[4] Patricia Cohen, “The World Is Wooing U.S. Researchers Shunned by Trump,” New York Times, May 14, 2025, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/14/business/economy/trump-research-brain-drain.html.
[5] Clinics contribute to monitoring and reporting in partnership with SAR’s Academic Freedom Monitoring Project and conduct legal analysis at the local, regional, or global level, or advocacy in response to particular attacks. Clinics have developed submissions for the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, the UN Universal Periodic Review process, the European Court of Human Rights, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, among others.
[6] EHEA Rome Ministerial Communiqué – Annex I – Statement on Academic Freedom (November 2020), available at: https://ehea.info/Upload/Rome_Ministerial_Communique_Annex_I.pdf.
[7] EHEA Statements On Fundamental Values – Annex 1 To The Tirana Communiqué (May 2024), available at: https://ehea.info/Immagini/ANNEX-1-EHEA-STATEMENTS-ON-FUNDAMENTAL-VALUES.pdf.
[8] This includes a Working Group on Fundamental Values, which is currently tasked with developing a comprehensive framework to further the monitoring and implementation of the fundamental values of the EHEA in the higher education systems of its members. For more information, see: https://www.ehea.info/page-Working-Group-FV.
[9] The European Parliament Academic Freedom Monitor included two reports in 2025: (1) “Academic Freedom Monitor 2024: Analysis of de facto state of academic freedom in the EU – Country overview,” April 2025, available here: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/stoa/en/document/EPRS_STU(2025)765775; and (2) “Academic Freedom Monitor 2024: Overview of de jure academic freedom protection,” April 2025, available here: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/stoa/en/document/EPRS_STU(2025)762887.
[10] Learn more about the European Parliament’s STOA Forum for Academic Freedom at: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/stoa/en/ep-academic-freedom.
[11] Learn more about the conference here: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/stoa/en/events/details/perspectives-on-academic-freedom-in-euro/20241206WKS06201.
[12] Learn more at: https://www.unesco.org/en/recommendation-science/freedom-and-safety.
[13] Learn more about the Call to Action on the Freedom and Safety of Scientists here: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000389629.
[14] Learn more at: https://www.magna-charta.org/agenda/anniversary-of-the-magna-charta-universitatum-mcu-2020-2025.
[15] See CAFA research fellowships here: https://cafa-claa.org/fellowships/.
[16] See GOAF’s website here: https://elkana.ceu.edu/global-observatory-academic-freedom.
[17] See SHAPE-SEA’s website here: https://www.shapesea.com/.
[18] See InSAF’s website here: https://www.academicfreedomindia.com/.
[19] See SAIH’s website here: https://www.saih.no/en.
[20] SAR, “Mellon / SAR Academic Freedom Workshop & Fellowships,” https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/the-network-archived/mellon-sar/.
[21] See CAFA statement: https://cafa-claa.org/ipen-speaks-out-in-defense-of-university-autonomy-in-nicaragua/.
[22] The full statement may also be accessed through this link: https://sareurope.eu/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/Statement-Inspireurope-Forum-2025_.pdf.
[23] Visit https://cafa-claa.org/. Over the past two years, CAFA has submitted to the IACHR three summary reports, organized webinars to identifying key threats and trends in the Americas, organized webinars that discussed key opportunities and concerns in the region, and as described above, will host its third conference in Washington, DC, USA, in November 2024.
[24] Visit sareurope.eu/what-we-do/promote-academic-freedom/european-advocacy-committee/.
[25] Learn more here: https://www.ohchr.org/en/events/events/2025/side-event-hrc59-regional-approaches-implementing-right-academic-freedom.
[26] Learn more here: https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session59/res-dec-stat.
[27] Learn more about the conference at: https://www.coe.int/en/web/education/-/conference-academic-freedom-in-action-.
[28] Learn more about the Council of Europe Academic Freedom Insights series here: https://www.coe.int/en/web/education/newsroom/-/asset_publisher/fkf5o6A9gZZK/content/new-publications-exploring-legal-and-political-threats-to-academic-freedom.
[29] CM/Rec(2012)7 – Recommendation of the Committee of Ministers to member States on the responsibility of public authorities for academic freedom and institutional autonomy (Adopted by the Committee of Ministers on 20 June 2012 at the 1146th meeting of the Ministers’ Deputies), available here: https://search.coe.int/cm#{%22CoEIdentifier%22:[%2209000016805ca6f8%22],%22sort%22:[%22CoEValidationDate%20Descending%22]}.
[30] See CAFA’s webpage: https://cafa-claa.org/event/launch-a-guide-for-the-development-of-protocols-for-the-prevention-careinvestigation-and-punishment-of-sexual-violence-gender-based-violence-anddiscrimination-within-higher-education-institutions/.
Appendix 2: Table of Incidents
The below table includes 395 attacks arising from 328 verified incidents in 49 countries and territories, as reported by Scholars at Risk’s Academic Freedom Monitoring Project from July 1, 2024, to June 30, 2025. Note that the total number of attacks exceeds the total number of incidents reported because one incident may involve more than one type of conduct.
Acknowledgements
Scholars at Risk (SAR) gratefully acknowledges the members of higher education communities worldwide who have inspired us through their courage and dedication. We acknowledge especially the researchers contributing to the Academic Freedom Monitoring Project by reporting and analyzing incidents, and helping to develop advocacy responses, and to everyone who provided information, drafted text, and offered important feedback on the countries highlighted in Free to Think 2025. We thank the Office of the Provost and New York University for hosting SAR, Maynooth University, Ireland, for hosting SAR Europe, and the many other member institutions, associations, partners, and individuals that contribute to our work beyond the monitoring project. These include the Mellon Foundation, the National Endowment for Democracy, the Open Society Foundations, the Fritt Ord Foundation, the Gerda Henkel Foundation, the Teagle Foundation, the Vivian G. Prins Foundation, the Charina Endowment Fund, the Winston Foundation, our anonymous donors, the members of SAR’s Board and Ambassadors Council, and the many friends of SAR who help us each day to protect more scholars.
This report is the result of research conducted by the monitoring project and our publication partners, and thus may not reflect the views of individual network members, institutions, or participating individuals. SAR invites comments on this report or inquiries about our work at scholarsatrisk@nyu.edu.
The report graphics and layout were designed by Susannah Hainley.
The report was copy edited by Stephen Laifer.
For use or information, contact Scholars at Risk at scholarsatrisk@nyu.edu.
Cover/Hero Image: Students, professors, teachers, and activists march during the “Rally for the Right to Learn” in support of universities and education on April 17, 2025 in New York City.
Photo: Spencer Platt/Getty Images
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